assistance of the faithful'. The sale of their property would serve 'the public convenience' by increasing 'the resources of the state and opening new sources of wealth'.7
The sale of the regulars' property during the 1830s did not end the confiscation and sale of ecclesiastical property It continued, albeit episodically, in Spain until 1859 and in Portugal until 1869. By the time it was over, the church had lost the vast endowments, including those of the diocesan clergy, that had sustained it for centuries. It also saw the other bedrock of ecclesiastical finances, the tithe, abolished. In return for the loss of ecclesiastical property and the tithe, liberal governments undertook to sustain the diocesan clergy, although such support was stingy at best. In Spain, following the 1851 concordat, priests received their incomes directly from the national budget; in Portugal, they depended on what was in effect a parochial tax paid by their parishioners under government supervision. Whatever the formula used, the clergy became dependent on the state for their financial survival.
This dependency was reinforced by liberal policies with respect to the ecclesiastical organisation. In Portugal, the constitution of 1822, the constitutional charter of 1826 and legislation of 1833 saw regalism in full blood by asserting the state's absolute right of control over the appointment of bishops, canons and parish priests. A Historical Party ministry in 1862 went even further by creating a selection process for parish priests that virtually excluded diocesan prelates, who declared that they had been reduced to mere 'shadows of bishops' by the civil authorities, a view shared by Pope Pius IX (1846-78) in a vigorous protest against the government's action.8 Spanish liberal governments did not go this far. After 1843, they interfered less in the church's internal affairs, even during the revolutionary periods 1854-6 and 1868-73, although they insisted on retaining the state's rights over episcopal appointments. In both countries, however, moderate and aggressive liberals agreed on the necessity of reforming the ecclesiastical organisation by reducing the number of dioceses and parishes. The Spanish concordat of 1851 provided for a consolidation joining small dioceses to larger ones and a reduction in parish numbers. This plan was never realised because of clerical resistance and government reluctance to promote changes certain to arouse strong local opposition. Portuguese governments were more successful, although a parochial consolidation carried
7 Quoted in Simeón Segura, La desamortización española, p. 85. The Reverend W. M. Kinsey noted in 1829 that 'the enlightened classes' in Portugal desired a 'change in the monastic system with the view ofunlocking vast means and resources for the benefit of the nation': Portugal illustrated (London: Treuttel and Wurtz, 1829), p. 196.
8 Almeida, Historia daIgreja, vol. iii, p. 38, cited in Oliveira, Historia eclesiástica de Portugal, p. 259.
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