the state in church-state relations. Between 1868 and 1874 they passed laws to guarantee religious freedom, end the church's educational monopoly and separate civil from canon law. In 1870 the concordat itself was declared void. There was, however, no Austrian Kulturkampf. After fifteen years under the concordat, the Catholic Church was thoroughly discredited. The bishops themselves were in no position to resist effectively had they so desired (and most did not). Finally, in contrast with their German counterparts, Austrian liberals wanted to divest the church of its political authority and public power, not destroy it. Hence, they allowed the church to continue to benefit from state patronage and support, albeit only as a privileged public corporation.
Under the leadership of Karl Lueger, a political organisation rooted in Austrian Catholic culture did emerge to challenge the liberals after 1882: the Christian Social Party. But while Christian Socials defended Catholicism against liberalism and social democracy and exploited parish and church networks to build their organisation, theirs was never a church or confessional party. Lueger won over the lower middle classes by downplaying clericalism and embracing petty bourgeois anti-Semitism, all of which made his movement suspect in the eyes of the church hierarchy. Lueger's confirmation as lord mayor of Vienna in 1897 marked the end of the liberal era. It also established the Christian Socials as an official ruling party, an honour regularly denied the German Centre before 1914.
Austrian discussions about religion and politics were also unique because, with the exception of Georg von Schonerer's abortive Free from Rome movement, they lacked a nationalist dimension. In Habsburg Austria state and emperor served as the objects of patriotism, not a confessionalised nationstate, and the dynasty remained resolutely Christian throughout the liberal campaign to de-emphasise the state's religious character. Symbolic ofthis link between religion and dynasty was the emperor's participation in Vienna's annual Corpus Christi procession, which recalled the legendary sanctification of the Habsburgs' right to rule through the Eucharist. Indeed, the more nationalist rivalries threatened to dissolve the empire, the more Emperor Franz Joseph turned to religion to inspire patriotism based on loyalty to the crown. This explains both his recognition ofthe pro-dynasty Christian Socials and his prominent participation in the activities of the Eucharistic Congress, which Vienna hosted in 1912.
In fact, Austrian and German Catholic efforts to downplay the confessional dimension of citizenship were astonishingly consonant with Bismarck's own efforts to found the German empire on a secular basis. He intentionally established both of the two principal imperial institutions - emperor and
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