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ceremonial representations are manifestations of a conscious political ideology is debated, and some concepts (such as the Third Rome) are certainly more significant in historiography and modern nationalist mythologising than they were in the sixteenth century.74 However, the symbolic and practical contribution of the Russian Orthodox Church to the process of national consolidation and the development of a self-conscious national identity is clear. Religious rituals such as the Palm Sunday processions in Moscow, in which the tsar led the patriarch's horse in a pageant that replicated Christ's triumphal entry into Jerusalem, were public reminders of the ruler's role as guardian and guide of Orthodoxy,75 and Metropolitan Makarii's formal coronation of Ivan IV as tsar and autocrat reflected both the mantle of religious authority the Muscovite rulers felt they had inherited from the fallen Constantinople, and their desire for divine sanction.

Rulers also found public pilgrimage and religious ritual an effective means of stamping their authority on newly acquired territories,76 and Orthodox symbol and rhetoric bolstered both domestic and foreign conquest. The metropolitan of Moscow became a public supporter of the unifying activities of the grand prince - the chroniclers record that Metropolitan Filipp, on Grand Prince Ivan III's command, wrote to the rebellious Novgorodians ordering them to submit 'to him under whose strong arm God has placed you and the God-serving land of Russia', rather than their chosen leader, the Lithuanian Prince Mikhail Aleksandrovich of Kiev, who would lead them into the darkness of 'Latinism'.77 The chroniclers present Ivan III's subjugation of Novgorod as a painful duty undertaken by a pious sovereign in defence of Orthodoxy, supported by the prayers of saints and God's favour. Ivan III's struggle with Lithuania was justified as a response to his Catholic son-in-law Alexander's refusal to allow his daughter Elena a Greek church and clergy, the efforts being made to convert her, the building of Catholic churches in formerly Russian towns such as Polotsk, and the persecution of Orthodox citizens of Lithuanian lands. Ivan IV followed his grandfather in his use of religious rhetoric to justify battles against Lithuania and other enemies, irrespective

74 See ibid., 2i9-43; P. Bushkovitch, 'The formation of a national consciousness in early modern Russia', Harvard Ukrainian Studies io (i986), 355-76; Andreyev, 'Filofey and his Epistle to Ivan Vasil'yevich', i-3i.

75 M. S. Flier, 'Breaking the code: the image of the Tsar in the Muscovite Palm Sunday ritual', in Medieval Russian Culture, ed. Flier and Rowland, ii, 2Q-42.

76 N. S. Kollmann, 'Pilgrimage, procession and symbolic space in sixteenth-century Russian politics', in Medieval Russian Culture, ed. Flier and Rowland, ii, i63-8i.

77 R. Michell and N. Forbes, The Chronicle of Novgorod: 1016-1471 [Camden Society, ser. iii, 25] (London: Camden Society i9i4), 2io.

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