had her own candidate, the metropolitan of Philippoupolis, Dionysios. She appeared in person before the sultan and offered 2000 florins, thus persuading him to dismiss Symeon and replace him by Dionysios, who remained patriarch for four years, before being once again replaced by Symeon. This sum of 2000 florins became an annual tribute paid by the patriarch to the sultan for many decades to come. It is the sum stipulated in the berat granted to Symeon in 1483, when he ascended the patriarchal throne for the third time. By the accession of Patriarch Jeremias I (1522-46) it had risen to 3500 florins.29 It was called maktu or lump sum, in the Ottoman documents, while the Greeks referred to it by the general term kharadj. Contemporaries make clear that the increasing rate at which it was levied was the result of higher bids made for the patriarchal throne by interested parties. Around 1500 a new Greek term, l^avE^acis, was coined for this bidding process.30

Apart from the annual tribute, the patriarchs started to present the sultans with a pi^kes, that is, a customary present given by anyone receiving a berat from the sultan: in the case of the patriarch, it amounted to 500 florins. This tax also had its origins in the 1470s. It was normally paid once - on ascent to the patriarchal throne - but if a new sultan succeeded to the throne, it had to be paid again, as the patriarch needed a new berat. Metropolitans and bishops, when appointed, also gave a piske$, with the amount varying according to the importance of their see.31

The financial obligations of the patriarchs towards the Ottoman state did much to damage their good reputation, as did the interference in ecclesiastical affairs of the archontes, as they were called. These were influential members of the Orthodox community. We have already seen how in the aftermath of the fall of the City archontes from Adrianople had a part to play in the restoration of the patriarchate. Once the patriarchate had been re-established in Constantinople and had developed into a minor centre of power within the framework of the Ottoman state, it increasingly attracted prominent Greeks. This was partly for reasons of social prestige, but management of the patriarchal revenues offered more tangible rewards. Demetrios Apokaukos, Mehmed II's Greek secretary, moved from Adrianople to Constantinople to undertake the financial administration of the patriarchal church on behalf

29 Zachariadou, AsKaToupKiKa'éyypa<pa, 157, 159, 175-6.

30 Historia politica et patriarchica Constantinopoleos, ed. I. Bekker (Bonn: Ed. Weber, 1849), 136; Konortas, 'Odwp.aviKSs dswpr¡asis, 345-6.

31 Ecthesis Chronica et Chronicon Athenarum, 28-9; cf. Zachariadou, AsKa ToupKiKa £yypa<pa, 82-9.

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