obsession with error. Even the official version, completed in i87o three years after the death of its principal sponsor, Filaret (Drozdov), was vulnerable to charges of inaccuracy.36 On the central question of Orthodox attitudes to the west, a leading scholar admitted in i885 that 'no definitive programme' had yet been worked out.37 Nor was the position any clearer with regard to church music, which the composer Iurii Izvekov dismissed in i9i3 as 'a jumble of contradictory viewpoints, irreconcilable ideas and unsystematised accretions'.38

Worse still, the church could find no way of resolving the sorts of debate that inevitably arose from theological research based on patristic sources that were themselves shot through with disagreement. Rivalry between orders had been a key strength of the Catholic Reformation. Not only did Orthodoxy lack such orders, but the very nature of its claim to a monopoly of truth also militated against diversity of opinion. As Meyendorff wrote of an earlier period, 'if there is a feature of "Russian" Orthodoxy which can be seen as a contrast to the Byzantine perception of Christianity, it is the nervous concern of the Russians in preserving the very letter of the tradition received from "the Greeks"'.39 So the greatest stumbling block in what was essentially a creative enterprise was the supposed immutability of the tradition that Russian scholars sought to defend, and yet were paradoxically obliged at least in part to re-create.40 No allowance was made for doctrinal development. As early as i840 A. N. Murav'ev contrasted the position of the early church, when much was still 'indeterminate', with that of his own day, in which 'all things have been decided and classed and catalogued'. 'We must not "move the landmarks"', he insisted to the Oxford divine William Palmer: 'We do not live now in the age of the Councils when . . . things could be changed.'^ In

36 I. A. Chistovich, Istoriia perevoda Biblii na russkii iazyk, second edition (St Petersburg: M. M. Stasiulevich, i899); S. K. Batalden, 'Gerasim Pavskii's clandestine Old Testament: the politics of nineteenth-century Russian biblical translation', Church History 57 (i988), 486-98.

37 A. P. Lopukhin, 'Sovremennyi zapad v religiozno-nravstvennom otnoshenii', Khristian-skoe Chtenie 2 (i885), 450.

38 Quoted by V Morosan, 'Liturgical singing or sacred music? Understanding the aesthetic ofthe new Russian choral school', in Christianity and the arts inRussia, ed. W C. Brumfield and M. M. Velimirovic (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, i99i), i28.

39 J. Meyendorff, Byzantium and the rise of Russia: a study ofByzantino-Russian relations in the fourteenth century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, i98i), 25.

40 This difficulty also complicated collaborationsbetween secular and ecclesiastical scholars on the rediscovery of Byzantine notation and the restoration of medieval Russian icons: seeRusskaiadukhovnaiamuzykavdokumentakhimaterialakh, ed. S. Zverevaetal. (Moscow: Iazyk slavianskoi kul'tury, i998-2002) and G. I. Vzdornov Istoriia otkrytiia i izucheniia russkoi srednevekovoi zhivopisi: XIX vek (Moscow: Iskusstvo, i986).

41 Notes of a visit to the Russian church in the years 1840,1841, by the late William Palmer, MA, selected and arranged by Cardinal Newman (London: Kegan Paul Trench, i882), i63, 225.

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