be the dictator of a republic', alleged a leading salon hostess, 'the other its patriarch'79 - he confessed in June that his head had 'completely cracked'.80 Antonii watched, bewildered, as colleagues sought to settle old scores. Eager for revenge on the lay professors who had helped to hound him out of the Moscow theological academy in 1895, Antonii (Khrapovitskii) branded their demands for curricular autonomy as a campaign for 'the right to deny the divinity of Jesus Christ in their lectures'; privately he recommended disbanding the academies and expelling their rebellious students.81
In such a poisoned atmosphere, the politicisation of Russian public life was bound to create further ecclesiastical divisions. In the aftermath of Gapon's abortive trade-union experience, many successful pastoral techniques seemed tantamount to socialism. Yet official disapproval did not prevent renovationist priests in St Petersburg and Moscow from matching their calls for ecclesiastical reform with a deeper commitment to workers' material needs.82 Far from being confined to the two capitals, social and political radicalism flourished in provincial dioceses such as Viatka, Smolensk, Kazan and Vladimir. Even in Tambov, where Bishop Innokentii (Beliaev) was a prominent right-winger, a diocesan assembly of clergy in September 1906 found justice in 'the people's striving for a better future' and declared its sympathy with the liberation movement 'in so far as it goes by peaceful means and in accordance with Christian principles'.83 But the pressure against such opinions was exemplified by the fate of the liberation movement's most prominent clerical figure. Father Grigorii Petrov, who campaigned against social injustice in his newspaper Pravda Bozhii (God's Truth), first published inJanuary 1906, was imprisoned in a monastery to prevent him taking his seat as a Constitutional Democrat (Kadet) in the second Duma. InJanuary 1908, under pressure from Metropolitan Vladimir (Bogoiavlenskii) of Moscow, who was the one prelate Pobedonos-tsevthought hadkept his headin 1905, Petrov was defrocked forbeing 'as good a
79 A. Bogdanovich, Triposlednikh samoderzhtsa (Moscow: Novosti, 1990), 343, 29 April 1905.
80 RGIA, f. 1574, op. 2, d. 133,1.14, Antonii to Pobedonostev, 29 June 1905.
81 'V tserkovnykh krugakh pered revoliutsiei: iz pisem arkhiepiskopa Antoniia volynskago kmitropolitukievskomuFlavianu', KrasnyiArkhiv31 (1928), 207, 8 October 1905. Antonii's main target was the reformist professor V I. Myshtsyn, allegedly'ablindly unquestioning nihilist and adulterer'.
82 S. Dixon, 'The Orthodox church and the workers of St Petersburg, 1880-1914', in European religion in the age of great cities 1830-1930, ed. H. McLeod (London: Routledge, 1995), 11941; P. Herrlinger, 'Raising Lazarus: Orthodoxy and the factory narod in St Petersburg, 1905-14', Jahrbücher fur Geschichte Osteuropas 52 (2004), 341-54.
83 G. L. Freeze, 'Church and politics in late imperial Russia: crisis and radicalisation of the clergy', in Russia under the last tsar: opposition and subversion 1894-1917, ed. A. Geifman (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999), 280-4; quote at 281.
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