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for a smooth settlement of the ecclesiastical question between Greece and Constantinople. But while the Orthodox establishment was agonising over the issues posed by the challenges of modern politics and nationalism, Adamantios Korais, the foremost Greekpolitical theorist ofthe Enlightenment, had already provided a categorical answer to all these dilemmas and questionings. This was set out in the prolegomena to his edition of Aristotle's Politics, which came out in 1821, the very first year of the Greek war of independence. Korais used it to instruct his embattled compatriots in the duties of a free citizen. He was the first writer to frame an unequivocally nationalist position on the ecclesiastical question:

The clergy of the part of Greece that has so far been liberated . . . has no longer any obligation to acknowledge as its ecclesiastical head the patriarch of Constantinople, for as long as Constantinople remains contaminated by the seat of the lawless tyrant, they should instead be governed by a hieratic synod, freely elected by clergy and laymen, as was the practice in the ancient church, and as to some degree occurs nowadays in the church ofour Russian coreligionists. It is entirely untoward for the clergy of the free and autonomous Greeks to obey the orders of a patriarch elected by a tyrant and forced to pay homage to a tyrant.5

This is a remarkable statement. It formed the first of eight articles on the status of the church in the free and well-ordered republic, which Korais visualised as the future of Greece. His proposal for the regulation of ecclesiastical affairs reflected faithfully the blueprint of Enlightenment views on the shape the church might be expected to take under a political order of freedom and of the rule of law. In doing this, however, Korais subjected the church to the requirements and priorities ofthe secular order, and although his sincere belief and hope was to see the church restored to evangelical purity, practising and teaching genuine Christian values, in fact he delivered her to the dictates of nationalism that formed the predominant content of the new political culture associated with the modern state.

Korais's counsels remained unheeded by Greek lay and ecclesiastical leaders in the 1820s. Somewhat paradoxically they were to be put into practice -partially and not necessarily with identical purposes in mind - not by liberal and republican thinkers and politicians like himself, but by the bureaucratic officials who took over the administration of the Greek Kingdom under the regency of Greece's first king, Otto. One of the regency's earliest actions, and

5 Adamantios Korais, ApiaTOTsAous noAiTiKwv Ta arxi^d/jsva [Hellenike Bibliotheke 13] (Paris: F. Didot, 1821), p. cxx.

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