of imperial resources and 'frankly demeaning', the speech is primarily a lengthy justification of the incarnation. In ch. 11, Eusebius sets out to demonstrate the many benefits that Christianity had produced. Previously, he declaims, the human race had been beset by war, conflict and disunity, but now the whole world is united in peace under a single ruler and a single god. This was no accident, so far as Eusebius was concerned. As part of God's plan, 'two great powers - the Roman Empire, which became a monarchy at that time, and the teaching of Christ - proceeding as if from a single starting point, at once tamed and reconciled all to friendship. Thus each blossomed at the same time and place as the other' (ch. 16.5-6).

The seeds planted by this idea of a joint mission of Rome and Christianity tookfruit in the second of Eusebius' orations, which he delivered in the summer of 336 as part of the closing ceremonies of Constantine's Thirtieth Jubilee year. Here Eusebius put forward the idea that the empire was not merely a part of God's plan but indeed an earthly reflection of that heavenly kingdom over which the emperor ruled in imitation of the divine King: 'Thus outfitted in the likeness of the kingdom of heaven, he pilots affairs below with an upward gaze, to steer by the archetypal form' (ch. 3.5). After a long series of comparisons (ch. 2), in which he equates the actions of the Logos in the heavenly sphere with those of Constantine in the earthly sphere, Eusebius proclaims that the emperor - to whom he refers repeatedly as 'God's friend' - 'has modelled the kingdom on earth into a likeness of the one in heaven'.3

Two centuries later, little seemingly had changed. Agapetus testified to the continued significance of this theme by using it to begin his advice to Justinian, written some time between Justinian's accession in 527 and the death of Theodora in 548. From his opening words, in which he compares 'the sceptre of earthly power' to 'the likeness of the heavenly kingdom', the theme of a close relationship between emperor and deity is woven through the seventy-two headings under which Agapetus catalogued his advice, which echoed through the centuries of Byzantine rule.4 The emperor is a 'divinely months later in Constantinople. The text of both speeches is GCS 7 (= Eusebius Werke, 1), 195-259. Translations are from H. A. Drake, In praise of Constantine. On the date and circumstances, see Drake, In praise of Constantine, 40-3; T. D. Barnes, 'Two speeches by Eusebius'; P. Maraval, Eusèbe de Césaree, la théologie politique de l'empire chrétien, 29-36.

3 Eusebius, LC 4.4. For the emperor as God's $iÀos see, e.g., LC 1.6, 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 5.1, 5.4. In the Praeparatio evangelica, written about twenty years earlier, Eusebius uses the phrase $iAos tm Sew to describe the earliest Hebrews. See, e.g., PE 7.4, 8. These men had no need of religious legislation because their souls were naturally pure: PE 7.5-6.

4 Agapetus, Ekthesis, cap. 1. On the date, see Patrick Henry III, 'A mirror for Justinian', 283. On Agapetus' influence, see I. Sevcenko, 'Agapetus East and West'.

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