Council of Ephesus in 431. The theology of conciliation at Chalcedon in 451 that attempted to combine the Christological insights of both Alexandria and Anti-och, however, was not universally received in the Eastern church, even with appeal to the revered Nicene Creed. Orthodox interpretation of Chalcedon was therefore defended by genealogies of saintly or demonic theologians. Cyril had compiled a florilegium to show how incarnation should be understood as well as a means of validation for a particular understanding of the past.33 In response Theodoret defended the Antiochene ancestors Diodore and Theodore in his Haereticarum fabularum compendium. Significantly, he shifted away from the polemical model of genealogy, and argued that conflict as well as give and take were necessary processes for the discernment of truth.34

These opposing collections of florilegia were exercises in local genealogy as well as showing the continuing strength of orthodoxy resting on geographical and chronological breadth. However, in the East Christianity remained divided by region and theology with the Miaphysite churches of Egypt, Armenia and Syria rejecting the Chalcedonian formula of imperial orthodoxy. In 543-4, the emperor Justinian anathematised Theodore of Mopsuestia and his writings, certain writings of Theodoret of Cyrus, and the letter of Ibas to Maris in the 'Three Chapters' controversy.35 This edict was an attempt to reassure Miaphysites of Chalcedon's orthodoxy by condemning Antiochene theologians who were associated with Nestorius. This was not successful in the East - particularly among the East Syrians36 as well as the Egyptians - and provoked a crisis with the pope, who rejected this move as critical of Rome's defence of two natures. Ironically, this was partly to distract attention from Justinian's condemnation of Origen as interpreted through a later ascetic theologian, Evagrius. However, Origen was also condemned post mortem in 553 by the Fifth Ecumenical Council. Lists of saints and heresiarchs therefore shored up the boundaries of theological discourse as well as defining ecclesiastical community. Equally importantly, heresiological labels were also attached to both sides of the dispute on Chalcedon, including 'Nestorian' for the defenders and 'Manichaean' for the opponents, in hopes of showing their errors.37 Genealogies and labels were used therefore as a means of enclosing the interpretation of the definition.

33 H. Chadwick, 'Florilegium'; L. Abramowski, 'Die Streitum Diodorund Theodorzwis-chen den beiden ephesinischen Konzilien'.

34 Helen Sillett, 'Orthodoxy and heresy in Theodoret of Cyrus' Compendium ofheresies".

35 C.J. Hefele, A history of the councils of the church, iv: 29-365.

36 See chapter 4, above.

37 On charges against the emperor Anastasius I as 'Manichaean', see Garnsey andHumfress, The evolution of the late antique world, 163.

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