Notes

1. a. Al-Ghazâlî—Bibliography, etc. : GAL, i.535-46; GALS, i.744-56; Maurice Bouyges, Essai de chronologie des oeuvres de al-Ghazali, édité et mis à jour par Michel Allard, Beirut 1959 (but written in 1924); Watt, 'A Forgery in al-Ghazâlï's MishkâtV, 'The Authenticity of the Works attributed to al-Ghazäli', Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1949, 5-22; 1952, 24-45; G. F. Hourani, 'The Chronology of Ghazâlï's Writings', Journal of the American Oriental Society, 79 (1959), 225-33-

b. Translations of Works : ( 1 ] Ihyä' 'ulüm ad-dîn : G. H. Bousquet et al., Ih'ya 'Ouloûm ed-Dîn, ou Verification des sciences de la foi, Paris 1955, summary of contents in detail; Nabih Amin Faris, Books i (Knowledge), 2 (Articles of Faith), 3 (Purity), 5 (Almsgiving), Lahore 1962, 1963, 1966 and Beirut 1966; E. E. Calverley, 4 (Wor-

fv* ship in Islam), Madras 1925; M. Abul Quasem, 8 (Recitation of ) Quran), Kuala Lumpur 1979; W. McKane, 33 (Fear and Hope),

6 Leiden 1962; other books are translated into French and German.

(2) Al-Munqidh min ad-daläl : W. M. Watt, The Faith and Practice of al-Ghazâh, London 1951, also has translation of Bidäyat al-hidâya -, R. J. McCarthy, Freedom and Fulfilment, Boston 1980, with many notes and abbreviated translations of Faysal at-tafriqa, Fadä'ih al-Bätiniyya, Al-Qistäs al-mustaqîm, Al-Maqsad al-asnä (On the names of God), and book 21 of the Ihyä' (Wonders of the Heart). (3) Tahäfut al-faläsifa : S. A. Kamali, Lahore 1958. (4) Mish-kät al-anwär: W. H. T. Gairdner, London 1924. (5) Jawâhir al-Qur'ân : M. Abul Quasem, Kuala Lumpur 1977.

c. Works about al-Ghazâlï : D. B. Macdonald, 'The Life of al-Ghazâlî with especial reference to his Religious Experiences and Opinions', Journal of the American Oriental Society, xx (1899), 70-132 ; Farid Jabre, 'La Biographie et l'oeuvre de Ghazali reconsidérées à la lumière des Tabaqât de Sobki', Mélanges de l'Institut Dominicain d'Études Orientales du Caire, i (1954), 73-102; A. J. Wensinck, La Pensée de Ghazzàll, Paris 1940 ; Margaret Smith, Al-Ghazâlî the Mystic, London 1944 ; W. M. Watt, Muslim Intellectual, a Study of al-Ghazali, Edinburgh 1963; also art. (al-)Ghazâlï in EI2-, Hava Lazarus-Yafeh, Studies in al-Ghazzah, Jerusalem 1975 ; Muhammad Abul Quasem, The Ethics of al-Ghazâlï, Petaling Jaya, Malaysia, 1975 ; VincenzoM. Poggi, Un Classico délia spiritualité musul-mana, Rome 1967, detailed study of the Munqidh; Henri Laoust, La Politique de Gazàlï, Paris 1970 ; McCarthy, Freedom and Fulfilment (above), Introduction, ix-lx; W. Madelung, 'Ar-Rägib al-Isfa-hânî und die Ethik al-Gazälls' in Islamwissenschaftliche Abhandlungen, ed. R. Grämlich (Fritz Meier zur sechzigsten Geburtstag), Wiesbaden 1974.

2. As-Suhrwardi. Henry Corbin, Sohrawardi d'Alep, fondateur de la doctrine illuminative (ishräql), Paris 1939; EI2, arts. Ishräk, Ish-räkiyyün (R. Amaldez).

3. Ash-Shahrastäni. GAL, i-55of.; GALS, i.j6i{.; Alfred Guillaume, The Summa Philosophiae of al-Shahrastànï, London 1934, edition and abbreviated translation ; W. Madelung, 'AS-Sahrastânïs Streit-

schrift gegen Avicenna und ihre Widerlegung durch Nasir ad-Din at-Tüsi', Akten des VII. Kongresses für Arabistik und Islamwis-senschaft (1974), Göttingen 1976, 250-9; the section of Al-Milal wa-n-nihal dealing with Muslim sects is translated by A. K. Kazi and J. G. Flynn in Abr-Nahrain (Leiden), viii (1968/9), 36-68 and following vols.

4. Fakhr-ad-dlnar-RäzI. GAL, i.666-70; GALS, i.920-4; EI2, art. Fakhr al-Din al-RäzI (G. C. Anawati); i. Goldziher, 'Aus der Theologie des Fachr al-Din al-RäzI', Der Islam, iii (1912), 213-47, and in Gesammelte Schriften, v (Hildesheim 1970), 237-71.

5. Ibn-Malkä. EI2, art. Abu '1-Barakät (S. Pines); GAL, 1.602; GALS, i.831; Corbin, Histoire de la philosophie islamique (b/d), i.247-51; Rescher, Development of Arabic Logic (b/d), i69f.

Chapter Fourteen

OTHER SUNNITE THEOLOGIANS, 950-1250

It is now realized by scholars that in the three centuries after al-Ash'ari there was much theological activity apart from that among the Ash'arites. Not much of this has been studied in detail, however, and so the treatment here is necessarily sketchy.

(a) the Hanbalites

Knowledge of the Hanbalites has been greatly increased during the last three or four decades through the work of Henri Laoust and his disciples, beginning with his monumental work on Ibn-Taymiyya published in 1939. In the earlier period those who followed Ahmad ibn-Hanbal (pp.57-8), or regarded him as their figurehead, constituted a school that was both legal and theological, and Hanbalism has mostly retained this dual character; but especially between 950 and 1250 Hanbalites are found who were Shafi'ite in jurisprudence.

The most distinctive feature of Hanbalite theology is its opposition to Kalam, that is, to rational argument in matters of dogma. Hanbalite creeds insist that true religion consists in accepting the Qur'an and Sunna and following the recognized outstanding scholars of later generations, while rejecting certain forms of argument used in Kalam. The emphasis is on the formulation of the dogmas of Islam in a simple and concrete form, so that the general attitude of Hanbalism is not unlike that of what is called 'fundamentalism' in Christianity. Not surprisingly the Hanbalites had much support from ordinary people, especially from among the populace of Baghdad. The leading Hanbalites, however, besides being competent scholars, were very intelligent men, who were capable of giving profound reasons for their opposition to Kalam. To the charge of tashbih, 'anthropomorphism', they responded by showing that Ash'arism also had an element of tashbih. Where the Mu'tazilites and later Ash'arites interpreted the anthropomorphic terms in the Qur'an metaphorically, the Hanbalites claimed that they accepted them neither literally nor meta phorically but 'amodally' (bi-la kayf). In this way the Hanbalites may be said to have avoided the excessive intellectualism that developed in Kalam and to have preserved the essentials of Islam for ordinary men.1

(i) The period of the Buwayhids, 945 -ioss■ When the Buwayhid sultans or war-lords became the rulers of Iraq, Iran and other provinces of the Islamic empire, they gave some encouragement to Imamite Shi'ism and tried to weaken the attachment to Sunnism of the majority of their subjects, though without taking any extreme measures. In this situation Hanbalite theologians and preachers appear to have played an important role in propagating and strengthening Sunnism; and they and others were sufficiently successful for it to be possible to speak of a restoration of Sunnism from about the beginning of the eleventh century. Most of the Hanbalites of this period are little more than names. Al-Ajurri (d.970) was a teacher of Hadith and Shafi'ite jurisprudence in Baghdad until 941, then went to live in Mecca in seclusion,-2 Ibn-Samun (912-97) was a popular preacher and sufi in Baghdad, but is also claimed by the Ash'arites.3

More is known about Ibn-Batta al-Ukbari ¡917-97), since a work of his has been edited and translated into French by Henri Laoust, and provided with a long and important introduction about the development of credal statements in the Hanbalite school.4 Ibn-Batta was bom at Ukbara on the Tigris 60 km north of Baghdad, but had his early education in Baghdad itself, where his father was a merchant. Later he travelled extensively in search of knowledge of Hadith, visiting among other places Mecca, Basra and Damascus. In Mecca he became friendly with al-Ajurri. At about the age of forty he returned to "Ukbara to lead a secluded life in which he devoted his time to fasting, meditation and study.

The work mentioned was planned as a simple statement of Islamic belief, specially suited for young men and non-Arabs, and it was hoped that by it those who were tending to waver in their faith would be led back to imitation of the Prophet. In the first part Ibn-Batta speaks about the unity of the community of Muslims and of the need to be loyal to it. As the bases of true belief he names not merely the Qur'an and the Sunna, but also ijma', 'consensus',- and by this he understands primarily the consensus of the Prophet's Companions, supplemented by the consensus of the pious and worthy scholars who have followed in their footsteps. The second part treats of the particular doctrines in detail, supporting them by quotations from Qur'an and Hadith. The order of topics is notably different from that in the Ash'arite doctrinal treatises, and places in the foreground questions about faith (Tman), not the doctrine of God and his attributes. This is probably a better order at least for the readers in view. The relatively short third section states precisely what 'following the

Sunna' consists of in respect of various points of ritual and social relationships, while the fourth section mentions the chief heresies to be avoided, and lists the most dangerous exponents of these heretical views. Louis Gardet saw this profession of faith as constituting a kind of hinge between the earlier somewhat formless Hanbalite creeds and the later carefully constructed ones.

The teaching and preaching of men like Ibn-Batta led at the beginning of the eleventh century to what Laoust has called 'la restauration sunnite'. The preachers had produced in many ordinary men a greater awareness of their identity as Sunnites, and this led to popular agitation against rival Shi'ites. Small incidents could lead to violent clashes, as happened in 998 and again in 1007. Meanwhile the position of the 'Abbasid caliphate—from 991 to 1031 the caliph was al-Qadir—was greatly strengthened by the succession in 997 to part of his father's Samanid governorship of a young man who soon became famous as Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna. The Samanids were autonomous rulers of eastern Persia and neighbouring lands, but nominally were appointed as governors by the 'Abbasid caliphs. By this time, however, their power was in decline, and within a few years Mahmud had made himself the de facto ruler of much of the Samanid domains as well as of the region of Ghazna in Afghanistan, and he then proceeded to extend his power far into North India. Despite his great power Mahmud found it to his advantiage to receive an appointment from the caliph al-Qadir and recognize him as his nominal suzerain, and he also made himself a defender of Sunnism.

Encouraged by the support of Mahmud and also of the Sunnite populace in other cities, al-Qadir adopted a policy aimed at increasing his own power and authority and weakening those of the Buwayhid sultan who was still ruling from Baghdad. In 1003 he effectively blocked the nomination of a Shi'ite as chief judge. In ion he had a refutation published of the claim of the Fatimid dynasty of Egypt to be descended from 'All and Fatima through their son al-Husayn. In xo 17 he invited Mahmud to join him in opposing the Mu'tazilites and Isma'ilites (who included the Fatimids). TTien in 1018 he had a credal document formally read, probably that known as the Qadiriyya (which is not to be confused with the Qadariyya or Qadarite sect). The policy of formally reading credal statements was continued both by al-Qadir and by the son who succeeded him, al-Qa'im (1031-75), and under the latter it is explicitly stated that what was read was the Qadiriyya.5

The Qadiriyya is clearly an expression of Hanbalite doctrine. Its formulations are close to those of Ibn-Batta, though it follows a different order. It speaks of itself as presenting the doctrine of Ahl as-Sunna wa-l-Jama'a, that is, the Sunnites, and, while it does so in a positive way, the doctrines are so worded that opposing heretical views are definitely rejected, notably those of the anthropomorphists (Mushabbiha), Karramites, Imamites, Isma'ilites, Mu'tazilites and Ash'antes. Al-Qadir was not himself trained in Hanbalite theology, but he was friendly with and influenced by one of the most distinguished Hanbalite scholars of the day, Ibn-Hamid (d. 1012 ).6 Al-Qadir doubtless also realized that a Hanbalite type of creed would be the most effective for strengthening Sunnite views among the masses; and in addition to the formal readings in the palace there were frequent readings in the mosques.

The most eminent pupil of Ibn-Hamid was the Qadi Abu-Yala ibn-al-Fana' (d.1066), who was closely associated with the caliph al-Qa'im, and present at the formal readings of the Qadiriyya in 1041 and 1053.7 A recent study, based on the edition of his Mutamad which deals with usul ad-din, 'the principles of religion', makes a case for thinking that the Hanbalites from Abu-Yala onwards accepted something of the methodology of Kalam. This view, which appears to be well grounded, will in time lead to some reassessment of the development of Hanbalism in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, even though it was already known that Ibn-Taymiyya used forms of argument far beyond those of the early Hanbalites.

(2) The period of the Great Seljuqs, 1055-1x57. The year 105 5, when Seljuq forces first occupied Baghdad, may be taken as the date at which power passed to the Seljuqs from the Buwayhids, though the Buwayhids had been in decline for some time and the Seljuqs experienced subsequent set-backs. The Seljuqs were supporters of Sunnism, but to begin with (as seen above) unduly favoured the Hanafites and then later strengthened the Ash'arites, while trying to keep peace between the rival Sunnite factions. It was in the middle of this period that the Crusaders appeared in Syria and conquered Jerusalem; but these events, despite their great significance for western Europe, produced hardly a ripple in Baghdad and nothing further east.

A colourful personage at the beginning of the period was the Sharif Abu-Ja'far, probably the leading exponent of Hanbalite jurisprudence in Baghdad at the time.8 He became famous, or perhaps rather notorious through his forceful opposition to the Mu'tazilites, Ash'arites and Sufis. Thus in 1068 he was at the head of a popular demonstration protesting against the renewal of Mu'tazilite teaching and demanding the reading and reaffirmation of the Qadiriyya creed. In the following year and again in 1072 he attacked a younger Hanbalite Ibn-'Aqil, of whom more will be said presently, for accepting some Mu'tazilite views and being a follower of the condemned mystic al-Hallaj. Finally for some five months he led a movement of protest against the public preaching of Ash'arite doctrines in the Nizamiyya college by a visiting professor, Abu-Nasr al-Qushayri, son of the sufi and theologian mentioned above. There were several incidents, and peace was only restored between the factions by the death of the Sharif (September X077) and Nizam-al-mulk's recall of al-Qushayrf to Nishapur.

Of other distinguished and less bellicose Hanbalite scholars in Baghdad most is known about Ibn-'Aqil, who has been the subject of a detailed study by George Makdisi.9 He was bom in Baghdad in 1040 and died there in 1119. Though perhaps originally a Hanafite, after the troubles ensuing on the Seljuq conquest of Baghdad in 1055 he became a Hanbalite, apparently as a result of the patronage of the influential Hanbalite merchant Abu-Mansur ibn-Yusuf. He studied under Abu-Yala until the latter's death in ro66, but he had broad interests and names twenty-two other teachers (only one a Hanbalite ) under whom he studied a variety of subjects. For a time he was attracted to Mu'tazilism, like some other scholars who were Hanafite in jurisprudence, and he was also interested in the controversial sufi al-Hallaj.

In 1066 Abu-Mansur was instrumental in having Ibn-'Aqil appointed to succeed Abu-Ya "la in the chair of jurisprudence in the jami' 'cathedral-mosque', of al-Mansur. This appointment at the early age of 26 incurred the resentment of other scholars, not least the Sharif Abu-Ja'far,- and after the death of Abu-Mansur some two years later the Sharif accused Ibn-'Aqil of holding heretical Mu'tazilite views and writing in defence of al-Hallaj. Ibn-'Aqil was fortunate in finding another Hanbalite merchant as protector, but had to avoid appearing in public for some years. Then in September 1072 under obscure circumstances the issue was raised again, and Ibn-'Aqil was forced to make a public retractation before the Sharif Abu-Ja'far and five official public witnesses. Through the centuries there has been much discussion of the sincerity of this retractation. So far as Mu'tazilism goes, it is likely that he was wholly sincere, since there is no evidence of his having adopted any Mu'tazilite doctrines. On the other hand, he was influenced by the Mu'tazilite spirit of free enquiry, and perhaps also by the methodology. This last point gains some support from the recent discovery of elements of Kalam in the writings of his teacher Abu-Yala; but it is difficult to be certain since Ibn-'Aqil's works on theology are lost. With regard to al-Hallaj the position is less clear; the Hanbalite school as a whole did not condemn al-Hallaj and Ibn- 'Aqil's writing about him was apparently not destroyed.

Even after his reconciliation with the Sharif he lived quietly until the latter's death in 1077, though he may have given a few sermons in his own mosque. Then gradually he seems to have taken up again the work of teaching, and the names of several of his pupils are recorded. It is not known whether he continued to teach until the end of his life. He himself, however, describes his feeling that there were no great scholars left, and this saddened him. His sorrow was increased by the death of his sons, the elder aged 14 in 1095 and the younger aged 29 in 1116. He did not complain, but longed for death and was constantly meditating on the life to come.

The most important of his extant works is the single surviving volume of Kitab al-fuxiun, a gigantic work said to have comprised a hundred or even several hundred volumes. The title means The Book of (all) Sorts (of Knowledge)', and the work consists of the author's thoughts on a great variety of topics, from all the fields of knowledge in which he was interested. He apparently set down his thoughts as they came to him and not in any order, but he writes with literary grace, whether the topic occupies only a few lines or extends to a page or two. Clearly he was a very gifted man who may rightly be described as 'standing at the head of the progressive movement within Sunni traditionalism'.

In the following half-century or so two Hanbalite scholars became prominent. One was Ibn-Hubayra (d.1165), who as vizier to the caliphs al-Muqtafi (1136-60) and al-Mustanjid (1160-70) contributed to the 'restauration sunnite', and founded a madrasa in Baghdad for the teaching of Hanbalite jurisprudence.10 The other, 'Abd-al-Qadir al-Jili or al-Jilani (d.1166), is chiefly known as a sufi saint, but was also a theologian, and his chief work al-Ghunya includes a theological treatise and a short creed.11

(3) The last century of the 'Abbasids, 1157-1258. Before the death of Sanjar, the last of the Great Seljuqs, in 1157 the dynasty had lost effective control of most of Iraq, and rale was shared by a number of minor dynasties. In Egypt Fatimid power had been ended and nominal 'Abbasid suzerainty restored in 1171 by the great Saladin (§alah-ad-din), founder of the Ayyubid dynasty. The absence of a strong ruler in Iraq enabled the 'Abbasid caliphs of the early thirteenth century to recover a measure of power and influence, and many Hanbalites were associated with them, though none is outstanding.

The scholar most worthy of mention is the polymath, Ibn-al-Jawzi (1116-1200), who lived mainly in Baghdad.12 Over a hundred of his works survive, some admittedly short, and he is said to have written several hundreds more. He was brought into the service of the caliphs by the vizier Ibn-Hubayra, and became prominent as a preacher under al-Mustanjid and still more under his successor al-Mustadf (1170-80). For a time he was also the senior professor at five madiasas. The next caliph, an-Nasir (1180-1225), was less closely associated with the Hanbalites, and in 1194 Ibn-al-Jawzi, who had been critical of his policies, was exiled to Wasit in Iraq, where he remained under house-arrest for five years, and was released only shortly before his death. His most important works are reckoned to be a history and a group of laudatory biographies of leading religious figures of early Islam. In theology he is noted for a polemical work entitled Talbls Iblls, 'the confusing of the Devil', in which he attacked not only sects such as the Khárijites and the various branches of Shi'ism but also schools and individuals within Sunnism whom he considered to have held heretical views, such as the Ash'arites, including al-Ghazali, and the süfis. A son, Muhyi-d-dm ibn-al-Jawzi, who perished in the sack of Baghdad by the Mongols, was both a distinguished scholar and the founder of a madxasa in Damascus, the Jawziyya. A daughter's son, known as Sibt ibn-al-Jawzi, 'the grandson of Ibn-al-Jawzi' (d.1256), settled in Damascus and became well-known as a preacher and historian, but abandoned Hanbalism for Hanafism.

Long before 1258 Hanbalism had established itself in other centres than Baghdad. In Ispahan there was a group, of which a father and son, both known as Ibn-Manda, were prominent members; they died in 1005 and 1077 respectively. There were Hanbalites as far east as Herat in Afghanistan, though the most famous there, Al-Ansari al-Harawi (1005-89), gained his fame through a work on Süfism.13 It was above all in Damascus, however, that Hanbalism took root. There appears to have been a Hanbalite professor there before 945, but it was especially in the later eleventh century that the school became established in Syria and Palestine through the efforts of Abü-1-Faraj ash-Shirázi (d.1094), who had been a pupil of Abü-Yali in Baghdad. He had a son, also a scholar, who wrote a refutation of Ash'arism, but is best known as the founder of the first Hanbalite madxasa in Damascus, the Hanbaliyya.14 Two other Damascene families also produced a succession of scholars, the Banü Munajjá and the Banü Qudáma. The best known of these was possibly Muwaffaq-ad-din ibn-Qudama (d.1223), who wrote a long treatise on jurisprudence which was much commented on and is still highly esteemed. Another book, sometimes called a refutation of Ibn-'Aqil, is a critique of Kalám ¡ there is an edition and English translation by George Makdisi with the title 'Ibn Qudama's Censure of Speculative Theology'.15

The existence of this strong group of Hanbalites in Damascus meant that after the sack of Baghdad by the Mongols leadership in the Hanbalite school fell to the scholars of Damascus.

(b) the Máturidites

The Máturidites are closely identified with the Hanafite schools of jurisprudence, and, though there are biographical dictionaries of Hanafites, the information given is meagre. Since, too, there has been no extensive study of Máturídite theological works, all that is possible here is to give brief notices of one or two leading figures.

Al-Hakim as-Samarqandi (d.953) was a pupil of al-Máturídi, though possibly not much younger, and became qádi of Samarqand.16

His theological work with the short title As-Sawad al-a'zam gets this from a version of the Hadith about the seventy-three sects in which al-firqa an-najiya, 'the saved sect', is replaced by as-sawad al-a'zam, 'the greater number'. Al-Hakim here expounds sixty-two articles of belief which he holds must be accepted by all who belong to as-sawad al-a'zam.

Abu-l-Layth as-Samarqandi—no relative of the above—studied with his father in Samarqand and with other teachers both there and in Balkh.17 He also taught in both places. His death is assigned to various years between 983 and 1003. About two dozen of his works are extant, some in numerous manuscripts, a fact which shows his high reputation. Among these works are a commentary on the Qur'an and various books of a juristic or parenetic character. A short 'Aqida, 'creed', composed in the form of question and answer, is still widely used throughout the Islamic world, especially in Malaysia and Indonesia. To him is sometimes attributed Shaih al-fiqh al-akbai, which is a commentary on the creed ascribed to Abu-Hanifa and known as Al-Fiqh al-akbai I. The work mentions the Ash'arites as a group, however, and since, as noted above, it is doubtful if they constituted a group much before the year 1000, it is more likely that the work is by a pupil of Abu-l-Layth, though he may have been repeating the master's lectures.

Abu-l-Yusr al-Pazdawi (c.1030-1100) belonged to a family of scholars, his great-grandfather having been a pupil of al-Maturidi.18 He probably spent most of his life in Bukhara, but was qadloi Samarqand for a period round about 1088. In his book Usui ad-din, 'the principles of religion', he discusses 96 points of doctrine, giving the Han-afite-Maturidite position on each, and then divergent views and refutations of these. The views are those of Mu'tazilites and other theologians of the 'classical' period prior to al-Ash'ari, together with those of al-Ash'ari himself, the Ash'arites, the Karramites and the 'philosophers'. In the case of these three groups no individual names are mentioned. It is noteworthy that the 'philosophers' are mentioned and argued against, but al-Ghazali would doubtless have found the arguments unsatisfactory. A pupil of his, Najm-ad-din Abu-Hafs an-Nasafi (1068-1142), composed a short creed, Al-'Aqa id, which has been the subject of many commentaries and supercommentaries.19

Other Maturidites who composed creeds which have attracted attention were Abu-Mu'in an-Nasafi (d.1115 )20 and al-Ushi, who is associated with the region of Ferghana on the faxartes, and whose creed, composed about 1173, is a poem of sixty-six lines.21 There is obviously much work still to be done on the Maturidites, but from these brief descriptions it would appear that, despite their interest in rational argument in theology, they achieved nothing comparable to the developments among the Ash'arites.

(c) the Mu'tazilites

Before 850 many, perhaps most, Mu'tazilites had Shi'ite sympathies in some form. After 850, however, their doctrines were less relevant to actual politics and their influence with the caliphal government declined, so that Mu'tazilism became a purely theological doctrine, separate from both politics and jurisprudence. Many Mu'tazilites were Hanafites or Sháfi'ites in law, and some were Imamites or Zaydites in politics. Since the Buwayhid sultans favoured Imámite Shi'ism and also to some extent Mu'tazilism, this may have encouraged the move towards Shi'ism. Most Mu'tazilites, however, accepted some form of Sunnism, and so may now be reckoned among the Sunnite theologians.

The earliest in date of those to be mentioned is something of an exception. The §ahib Ibn-'Abbad (938-95), often referred to simply as the Sahib, was the son of a Buwayhid official, and himself spent his life in the service of various Buwayhid princes, rising (about 979) to be vizier in Rayy for the surrounding region.22 Despite this involvement in administrative duties he also distinguished himself as both a scholar and a man of letters. His numerous books range from the fields of theology, history, philosophy and literary criticism to poetry and belles-lettres; and he was also a patron of art and literature. In his theological books he expounds Mu'tazilite doctrine on the basis of the 'five principles' (pp.48-52 above). Later Imamites claimed that the Sahib was one of them, and the Qádi 'Abd-al-Jabbár asserts that he was a Ráfidite, which amounts to the same thing; and this is in line with some of his own statements, and would not be surprising since he was working for the Buwayhids. Other statements of his, however, suggest that he was a Zaydite ¡ and this may also have been true for a time.

The Qádi 'Abd-al-Jabbár (c.935-1025) was the leading Mu'tazilite of his time.23 Though he was highly thought of by his contemporaries, little attention was paid to him by recent scholars until after 1950-1, when a team of Egyptian scholars discovered in a mosque in Sanaa (Yemen) the greater part of his enormous dogmatic work, Al-Mughni. This discovery, followed by that of most of the remaining parts of the work, has led to widespread interest in his thought. After studying in Hamadhan he went to Basra where under the influence of a Mu'tazilite teacher he changed to Mu'tazilism from the Ash'arism he had hitherto professed, though in law he remained a Shafi'ite. He then continued his Mu'tazilite studies in Baghdad. Political factors may have contributed to his change of allegiance, for it is known that at some date after 970 the $áhib, then vizier in Rayy, invited him to take up a post there, and then about 978 promoted him to be chief qádi of the region. He lost this post, at least for a time, on the death of the Sahib, but nothing is known of his life after that point.

Since the discovery and publication of the Mughni, others of his works (previously known) have been published, notably Shaih al-usul al-khamsa, 'The Exposition of the Five Principles', which is a one-volume compendium of Mu'tazilite theology. The great value of these works of 'Abd-al-Jabbar is that they are the earliest complete Mu'tazilite treatises. Scholars were already familiar with the outlines of Mu'tazilite doctrine, but they now have it in fuller detail and can appreciate the arguments by which it was supported. George F. Hour-ani, for example, has shown that, although 'Abd-al-Jabbar did not think of philosophical ethics as a subject of study, he and his predecessors had reflected on the questions involved, so that from his works a fairly complete system can be constructed that is not unlike modem British intuitionism.

The general character of the works of 'Abd-al-Jabbar and his style of argumentation are similar to those of Ash'arites such as al-Baqil-lani and al-Juwayni. Beliefs differing from his own are mentioned and argued against. Sometimes the views are given anonymously, but frequently they are those of earlier Mu'tazilites, who are named, while other opponents are named occasionally. Al-Ash'ari is mentioned by name, but only rarely, whereas the group holding views of an Ash'arite type are normally called the Kullabites, which seems to indicate that al-Ash'ari was not yet recognized everywhere as epo-nym of the school. The 'philosophers' are sometimes mentioned, but there is no sign of any adoption of philosophical ideas beyond what had been done by the Ash'arites prior to al-Ghazali. Much further study, however, is still required.

One of the Qadi's prominent pupils was Abu-l-Husayn al-Basri (d.1044), both a Hanafite jurist and a theologian who criticized, among others, the Imamites and the followers of Abu-Hashim.24 A more important pupil, however, was Abu-Rashid (d.io68?).zs For a time he had a 'circle' (lialqa) in Nishapur for the discussion of questions of Kalam; but when the Qadi died or retired, he succeeded him as head of the Mu'tazilite school of Baghdad. His chief work dealt with the points in dispute between the Mu'tazilite schools of Basra and Baghdad, and his treatment in it of philosophical conceptions attracted some Western scholars about the beginning of this century} but his study of philosophy was not so thorough as that of al-Ghazali. Like the Qadi he is said to have been originally an Ash'arite in theology.

Az-Zamakhshari (1075 -1144) was bom in the province of Khwa-razm, but travelled for the purpose of study to Baghdad and Mecca among other places.26 After many years in Mecca he returned to Khwarazm. Though of Persian stock he became the foremost authority of the day on most of the philological disciplines connected with the Arabic language, and wrote a number of important books. Chief among these is his commentary on the Quran, the Kashshaf, which, because of the soundness and extent of his philological knowledge, remains one of the outstanding Qur'anic commentaries. In theology he accepted the Mu'tazilite views at that time predominant in Khwa-razm, but these affected his interpretations of only a small number of verses. Some mainstream Sunnites avoided the Kashshaf because of this, but such was its philological excellence that it was widely studied and in many respects followed even by those who disapproved of Mu'tazilite views. In law he is claimed for the Hanafite school. At one time, either because of an accident or after frost-bite, he had had to have a foot amputated and replaced by a wooden one ; and ever after he seems to have remained very conscious of this disability.27

After this brief account of the more prominent later Mu'tazilites the question may be considered whether they represent a new creative period in the history of the school and of Islamic thought, or whether it is correct to think of the 'classical' period as ending with Abu-Hashim. Goldziher in studying the influence of the Mu'tazilites on Fakhr-ad-dln ar-Razi showed the continuing strength of the school, and George Hourani has claimed that the work of 'Abd-al-Jabbar proves that Mu'tazilism was 'still a living and slightly growing school'. Yet, though there are creative aspects in 'Abd-al-Jabbar, it is doubtful if the school was contributing much to Islamic thought in general. It is not only modem Western scholars who have neglected the Mu'tazilites after Abu-Hashim. In the twelfth century ash-Shah-rastani speaks of 'Abd-al-Jabbar and Abu-l-Husayn al-Basri as muta'-akhkhiiin, 'epigons', of the Mu'tazilites, and does not regard their views as sufficiently distinctive to justify separate treatment (though in his Nihaya he mentions views of Abu-l-Husayn on five occasions). On the whole, then, there is good reason for taking the period up to Abu-Hashim as the 'classical' period of Mu'tazilism and of Islamic thought generally.

In effect what the Mu'tazilites were doing after 850 was to elaborate arguments to defend doctrines which had been decisively rejected by most of the Muslim community and were unlikely to be again accepted. They showed great ingenuity and subtlety in their arguments, but they made little impression. Other Sunnites mostly neglected them, and it was only among Imamites and Zaydites that interest was shown. The Mu'tazilite doctrine of the createdness of the Qur'an made it possible to place the imam above the Qur'an (and its interpreters, the ulema); and this fitted in well with the core of Shl'ite belief. This was why the Mu'tazilites had considerable influence on the Imamites and Zaydites, though, as the Shfite theologians became familiar with the methods of Kalam, they ceased to be de pendent on the Mu'tazilites. Perhaps the most important achievement of the epigons was to preserve Kalám in such a form that it could be accepted by Imámites and Zaydites.

(d) minor schools

In eastern Iran and Afghanistan from the tenth century to the twelfth some importance attached to the Karramites, who have already been mentioned once or twice.28 Less important were their centres in Jerusalem and Fustát (Old Cairo). The heresiographers mention a number of subdivisions, but virtually nothing is known of these except the names. Of the writings of the Karramites apparently only one slight work has been preserved, so that the reconstruction of their views and those of their founder, Ibn-Karrám, has to be based on the statements of opponents. Where they were strong they often aroused violent opposition. For a time they had the support of the sultan Mahmüd of Ghazna, but he withdrew his support about 1012. The fullest information about them comes from Nishapur, where under the leadership of the Mahmashádh family they had many followers. Despite our limited knowledge of them it appears that they played an important role in spreading a moderate form of Sunnite Kalám in the eastern part of the 'Abbásid caliphate.

The Sálimites were süfís more than theologians, but some of their teaching attracted theological criticism, though only from Han-balites, it would seem.29 Among the leading members of the school were Abü-Tálib al-Makki (d.990), author of an influential work called Qüt al-qulüb, 'the food of the hearts',30 and Ibn-Barraján (d.1141), whose süfi commentary on the Quran is partly extant.31 It is possible that the heretical assertions in Qüt al-qulüb have been removed from the text as we have it; but in any case it is difficult to derive theological doctrine from a work of spirituality or a süfistic Qur án-com-mentary. Thus the theological views of the Sálimites have to be reconstructed mainly from the statements of Hanbalite opponents. Abü-Yalá in one of his works lists sixteen false doctrines held by them, and 'Abd-al-Qádir al-JIlání repeats ten of these. The first to call attention to the Sálimites was Ignaz Goldziher, and they were later studied to some depth by Louis Massignon because they were among the first to hold that al-Halláj was not heretical. Henri Laoust was aware of their influence on Ibn-Taymiyya through Abü-Tálib al-Makki.

Some of the assertions listed by Abü-Yalá appear to be trivial: Iblis (Satan), after his refusal to prostrate himself before Adam (Sura 7.11, etc.), did so when asked a second time,-Moses prided himself on having been spoken to by God, and then was shown a thousand mountains with a Moses on each. These may make more sense, however, when seen in context and not taken in isolation. The more com prehensible assertions are the following. God creates unceasingly, and so he is everywhere equally present. When someone recites the Quràn, it is God who is heard speaking. God has a will (mashîa) which is uncreated, whereas his particular volitions (iiâdât ) are created. His volitions concerning the faults of the creatures foresee these as in them ( bi-him ) but not as coming from them [min-bum ). On the Day of Judgement God will show himself to all creatures, jinn, men, angels and animals, in a form appropriate to each, so that each will acknowledge his significance. God has a sin, 'secret nature', and the same is true of prophets, scholars and indeed of everyone ; and for the believer mystical union consists in becoming aware of the divine T in himself to the extent to which it has been given him from all eternity; God's sin is sin ai-mbùbiyya, 'the secret of sovereignty'. The human soul continues to exist in the period between death and the Last Day.

The Sâlimites were not far from conservative and traditional orthodoxy, but they allowed themselves some freedom in their theological speculations on the basis of their mystical experiences. It was this freedom which both roused opposition and gave them influence.

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