Junayd thus heralds a reaction. His earlier observation of the Nur! affair probably made him wary of Hallij's strident form of esoterism, and many accounts point to his censure of Hallij's outspokenness. It is not a matter of Junayd being more scrupulous in upholding the Shari'a, for Hallaj himself was allegedly extremely meticulous in his religious observance and renounced all legal mitigations and concessions (rukhas). Nonetheless, Junayd makes a reassertion of what has been referred to earlier as the Islamic genius for integrality, and he marks the beginning of a concerted effort to express Muslim esoterism in a way which contributed to, rather than undermined, the wider religion. Junayd's mysticism of ''sobriety'' perhaps received its strongest expression in a tradition of Sufism affiliated to the Hanbalite legal rite, though he himself had in fact adhered to the (presently defunct) rite of Abu Thawr al-Kalbl. Hanbalism's strict rejection of any superimposition on the Qur'an and hadith yields a form of Sufism in impeccable conformity with the consensual foundations of the tradition. This kind of Sufism might explore the tradition's agreed norms with eminently abnormal intensity, but it may never violate them in the name of esoterism. In keeping with Junayd's emphasis, Sufism has always had a significant Hanbalite and Zahirite manifestation in figures like Junayd's contemporaries Ruwaym and 'Amr al-Makki, and later figures like Khwaja 'Abdallah Ansiri and the great 'Abd al-Qadir al-Jilini. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, disciple of Ibn Taymiyya, would in due course be responsible for documenting this Hanbalite tradition of Sufism.40
The period from the later tenth to the eleventh century saw the production of a series of compilatory works and manuals, ever since viewed as classics, aimed at organising and defending the mystical movement. Unity was imposed on the different regional traditions, technical terms were defined, standard hagiographies were put together, and above all Sufism was shown to conform to ''orthodox'' Sunni creeds and to be rooted in the Qur'an and the precedent of the Prophet and the first Muslims. The five key works in question were the Arabic Food of Hearts (Qat al-qulub) by Abu Talib al-Makka (d. 966), the Book of Gleams (Kitab al-Luma') by Abu Nasr al-Sarraj (d. 988), the Disclosure of the Way of the People of Sufism (al-Ta'arruf li-madhhab ahl al-tasawwuf) by Abu Bakr al-Kalabadha (d. c. 990), the Generations of Sufis (Tabaqat al-Sufiyya) by Abu 'Abd al-Rahman al-Sulama (d. 1021), and the Persian work Unveiling the Veiled (Kashf al-mahjub) by 'Ala al-Hujwm (d. 1071 or 1072).
These texts represent a watershed, and a distinction should be drawn between the pre- and post-compilatory periods. An important result of such texts was the imposition of homogeneity. The term ''Sufi'' appears to have applied originally only to the Baghdad school, while the eastern tradition used the term Malimati, or hakim (sage), for its representatives.41 Especially noteworthy is the inclusion in these texts of formal Sunni creeds. For example, Kalibidhi's Disclosure contains a lengthy preliminary section (chapters 5-30) which amounts to a detailed statement of Sufism's orthodoxy and conforms to the conventional order of Islamic catechisms ('aqa'id): first, correct teaching on the divine attri-butes;secondly, correct teaching on the Beatific Vision; and thirdly, correct teaching on theodicy.
Arberry claimed that Kalabadhi's creed was modelled on al-Fiqh al-Akbar II,42 so named by Wensinck and identified by him as a Hanbalite creed of the ninth or tenth century.43 But Watt has dismissed Wensinck's thesis, identifying this creed as basically Hanafite in char-acter.44 The facts that Kalibadhi was later listed as a famous Hanafite jurist,45 and that Hanafism was the prevalent rite in the Siminid realm where he lived, confirm that the real dogmatic background of the Disclosure's creed is Hanafism. Whatever the case, it propounds many of the core teachings of Sunni kalam as formalised in Ash'arism and to a lesser extent in Mituridism. It affirms that God has eternal attributes which are ''neither He nor other than He'' (a typically Ash'arite formula), and that these attributes are akin to God's essence in their unknowability: ''As His essence is not caused, so His attributes are not caused: to attempt to display the eternal is to despair of understanding anything of the realities of the attributes or the subtleties of the essence [of God].'' This is the same ''apophatic assertion'' (al-ithbit bi-ghayri'l-tashbih) of the divine attributes (versus the ''apophatic denial'' of them typical of Mu'tazilism) that was seen earlier in Tustari's formulation. It is typical of Ash'arism. Kalibadhi adopts the same attitude in regard to the critically important attribute of Speech. Sufis, he claims, hold that God's Speech is ''an eternal attribute of God contained in His essence, in no way resembling the speech of created beings''. The author discusses the status of the Qur'an at some length, and concludes that since God affirms for Himself the attribute of Speech (e.g. Qur'an 4:162) and God's attributes must be eternal because He is eternal, therefore, the divine Speech cannot consist of letters and sounds since this would make it contingent and temporal. Nevertheless, by a kind of epochi, the Qur'an is affirmed to be truly God's Word and uncreated. What is interesting about such passages46 is that they read like pure kalim, and are not
''mystical theology'' in any obvious sense, though Kalaabaadhai may quote Sufis in support of his position.
In his discussion of the visio beata, Kalabadhi again uses a typical kalaam combination of scriptural texts and rational arguments to make another, essentially Ash'arite, affirmation: believers will have a true vision of God in the hereafter, but without any modality (kayfiyya) or circumscription.47 Finally, the treatment of theodicy is typically Ash'arite. Jabrism (the theory of absolute compulsion) is formally denied but there is an affirmation of God's creation of every act of the creature as well as of its capacity (istita'a) in acting. Kalabadhi, moreover, disapproves of the typically Mu'tazilite doctrine that God is determined by questions of welfare (maslaha).48
Credal statements like Kalaabaadhai's became a stock feature of a certain kind of Sufi literature, from Makki's Food of Hearts to Ghazali's Revival (which contains the Jerusalem Epistle, an Ash'arite catechism). It is simplistic to maintain that such creeds are artifices to win acceptance from the Shara'a-minded, planted within works aimed at smuggling Sufism into ''mainstream'' Islam. Rather, such creeds are in the end symptomatic of the Sufis' own conviction that Sufism lies at the very heart of the religion, and is sine qua non for its spiritual vitality. It is the figure of Abu Hamid al-Ghazali who had the decisive historical role in bearing out this claim. He stands, above all, for the full confirmation of mysticism's centrality to Islam as a living theocratic civilisation.
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