who originated from many different parts of the continent, some from as far away as the Congo and Mozambique, intermingled with those from Nigeria to share in common a sense of native dispossession and in Freetown the availability of faith-based Christian communities. The shrines and altars of indigenous communities arrived in the settlement with the re-captives and co-existed quite amicably with Christian rituals. Re-captive Yoruba diviners, for example, welcomed the challenge of missionaries, saying they were happy to add the Christian divinity to the Yoruba pantheon because a place already existed for that. It showed how in the conditions of dislocation, mobility, and resettlement precipitated by the slave trade Christianity was welcomed as African restoration. The transmission of Christianity engaged the terms of indigenous discovery to commence a long-term intercultural process of conversion and readjustment in Sierra Leone and beyond.


1. J. H. Parry, The age of reconnaissance (New York: Mentor Books, 1964), p. 33.

2. Cited in Jean Comby, How to understand the history of Christian mission (London: SCM Press, 1996), p. 60.

3. W E. B. DuBois, The suppression of the African slave trade to the United States of America: 163 8-1870 (1898, repr. New York: Russell & Russell, 1965), pp. 30-1.

4. Captain Paul Cuffe's logs and letters, 1808-1817: A black Quaker's 'Voice from within the veil', ed. Rosalind Cobb Wiggins (Washington, DC: Howard University Press, 1996), p. 341.

6. Henry Noble Sherwood, 'Paul Cuffe', Journal of Negro history, 8 (April 1923), p. 204.

7. Thomas Clarkson, 'Society for the Purpose of Encouraging the Black Settlers at Sierra Leone, and the Natives of Africa Generally, in the Cultivation of their soil, and by the sale of their produce', 28 January 1814, Public Record Office, London, CO 267/41.

10. First Annual Report of the American Colonization Society, p. 5, cited in Sherwood, 'Paul Cuffe', p. 220.

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