ministry. But that individual Jesuits may have compromised themselves in the revolt by composing broadsides seems quite probable if not certain. In the only one of Charles III's 'hidden causes' to sustain judicial light of day, a certain Benito Navarro, a member of a Jesuit confraternity, pleaded guilty to an attempt to frame someone educatedby the rival Scolopian congregation for the authorship of anti-ministerial pamphlets composed by Jesuits to whom he felt beholden.17 In his personal correspondence with his cousin Louis XV, Charles III professed to be unalterably convinced of Jesuit involvement in the uprising, becoming the most adamant Bourbon advocate of the total dissolution of the society.
More impersonal causes provide grist for each and every historiographi-cal mill. A quest for the influence of an anticlerical 'Enlightenment' would highlight the role of Aranda, military student of Frederick the Great and devotee of Voltaire and d'Alembert, whose admiration for French 'lights' survived the ultimate test of the French Revolution. The absolutist motivation to eliminate a Tridentine estate within the state finds its perfect embodiment in the fiscale Campomanes, whose two highly regalist treatises elicited from Jean-Francois Le Blanc de Castillon, advocate-general of the parlement of Aix and friend of the abbe Clement, the ultimate compliment of having 'naturalized the articles of the [Gallican] clergy of 1782 in Spain'.18
But the Spanish expulsion best illustrates the domino effect of action and reaction, as Spain reacted to the pro-Jesuit papal action in reaction to originally Augustinian action against the Jesuits. And here the Jansenist connection is most crucial, finding its best embodiment in the Minister of Grace and Justice Manuel de Roda, a faithful correspondent of the Jansenist diocese of Utrecht who, as Spanish envoy to Rome in the early 1760s, had come under the sway of the same nest of Roman Augustinians that had hosted the abbe Clement in Rome in 1758 and persuaded French Jansenists to postpone the doctrinal issue in favour of pursuing the Jesuits after the death of Benedict XIV. It was to Roda more than anyone else that Roman Augustinians such as Mario Marefoschi and Francisco Xavier Vasquez credited the demise of the Jesuits in Spain, as it was to Roda that the Extraordinary Council delegated the delicate task of 'refuting' Clement XIII's ultimate plea to Charles III on behalf of the doomed society in 1767.19
The cycle of anti-Jesuit action and curial reaction reached another level when the expulsion of the Jesuits came to the Italian peninsula itself. Satrapies of Bourbon Spain under the rule of Charles III's son and nephew respectively, the Kingdom of Naples expelled itsJesuits in November 1767 followed by the Duchy of Parma in February 1768, even though no incident could be alleged against
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