Portraits of the Incarnate

1, Compare Matt 11:27 and Luke 10:22.

2, Note Paulinus of Nolans description of his ;ipsc mosaic, however, and the frequent use of t he hi mb as t he sym bol of Ch rist i n 1 he ü rt of t lie fou ri h i o si\t h ccntüries, Al the end of the sev-ent h ccn[ ury ( ca. £90), i he eight y-sccond canon of the Cou ne il of Trullo ( t he Qu ijiiscxt Cou nci L Mansi L 11.977—SO) finally discourages the use of the lamb as a symbol far Christ .-once the human image of the savior was more effective in communicating the divine incarnation and expressing ChrLsl's life in the flesh. See also Theodore the Studite,. 2 Ref. 38, which refers to this canon.

3, From Cyril Mango, T?re Arf of the Byzantine Empire 312-1453: Sottrces and Document* (Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Prcssh 1986J, 16-17; for discussion of this asa possible forgery from the eighth century see chap. 1.

5, Origeri, C. Ceis, 6,75—77 (trans, ANF 4:607). Compare the leitsof Clemen^ Paed. 3,] and Justin, I ApvL 50, which also die this passage from Isaiah. Clement also explains here thai true beauty is.not visible to (he eye,

7, Jtijit and discussion in Krnst von IJoliachliL/, Christusbflder: Untersuehungett zvr ehrisdtciten l^egende (ljei]>zig: H!micb;i, 1899), supplement 308-29, with critical discussion of the text (Latin text on 3 ]9), referring to |. A. F&bfici^ Owfe* Apoeryphus (Hamburgh 1703), 1st part, 301-2.

8, Kpiphanius, Test., text and. trans, in Mango, Art of the Byzantine Empire-, 41—42, from Ceor^gije Ostrogorsky, ed., Slitdien zitr Geschichte des byzantirtischen Bilderstreites (Breslau: Marcus, 1929), f>7, fragment 2, As Mango points out, the authenticity of the Epiphanius fragments has been questioned. See discussion in Mary Charles Murray, aAn and the Early Chinch,"/TS 28 {1977); 336-38.

9, This is based on an early version of the story as re-counted by Eusebius in Hist. J. I 3, where one juay also read a version of the letter from Abgar to Jesus itself. Eusebius claims to he translating from a Syriac document. Another mention of correspondence between Abgar and ("h rist com cs from Ege ria, Pereg, 19. Neither Eu scb ius nor Hgcria men tions a port rail tradition, but Eusebius (or his source) docs say that Abgar saw a "wonderful vision on the facc ofThad-deus" (first, 1.13.12).

10, The earliest version of the legend that mentions a miraculous image (and describes a painted portrait) 3s contained in the apocryphal doctrine of Addai (ea+ 400); text and uans-Geor^e 1 loward. The Teaching of Addai (Chico, Calif.: Scholars, I 99 l), 9— 11; also as "The Ab^r Legend1' in Edgar HermedEe> New Testament Apocrypha ed+Wilhelm Schneemelcher (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1964), 1:437-44. A Later, sixth-century version, claims that Christ washed his face and left his facial likeness on the towel; see The Acts of the Holy Apostle Tlraddeus, in NPNP 3:358-59. John of Damascus records the detail of the difficulty of painting lesus' face [Fide ortk, 4,16), u'hich is extended in Jacobus de Voragine'* Golden Legend, to include the episode where Jesus then takes the p aimers canvas and puts it lo his face to leave the imp tint ol his appcarancc—having good eyes, ;i strong brow, and a long fate with straight lea lures indicating maturity^ trans. Granger Kyan and I telmut Ripper^er, The Golden Legend of Jacobus de Vowg itie (Loodon: [jcmgmarLs h Green, 1941), 634. See also Germans, Sermon before Leo she

I saurian (PC 1I0:920)4 or an even later tradition (tenth century") from the court of CansDaD-tine Porphyrogenitos (PG 1 13:423—54)^ text and English trans, in Ian Wilson, The Shroud of Turin (Garden City,RY.: Doubkday, 1973), 238-39 {Appendix C).

11, The bibliography on ihc Mandylion and the Abgar legend is extensive. One may consult DobschUU, Christushilder, 120-96, as one of the earliest sindies of the textual tradition and then Averil Cameron, "The I listory of the Image of hlessa: The Telling of a Story,1" in Okeativs: iiirt^y Presented to I. iiri'cpTe^ Harvard Ukrainian Studies? (Caolbrldgc Harvard Univ, PrWSj I983),B0^94 i see Hans Belting, Likeness and Presence: A History of the Image before the Era of Arr, trans, E, Tephcott (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1994), 203-24^ Herbert L. Kcssler.SpiV-itual Seeing Picturing God's Invisibility in Medieval Art (Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania

II less, 2000), 70-&7; Stephen Runciman, "Some RciTiarks on the I mage o I Edcssa,'* Cambridge Historical Journals (1931); 238—52; Hans J.W, 1'Jrijvcrs, "The Image of Edessa in the Syri a c Tradition," and Averil Cameron, ^The Mandylion and Byzantine Iconoclasm^ in The Holy Face a nd the Pffnii/iUc of Represents t inn, ed. 11 e rbu rt Kessler and (ierhard Wo If (Bologna: Nuova Alfa. 199fl), 13-5412. One rather interesting theory suggests thai tht: victual Mandylion later turned up in

Turin as the shroud—see Wilson, The Shroud of Turin; R. Drews, in Seurrft of the Shroud of Turin: New Light on Its History and Origins (Totowa,N,J,: Rnwman & Allanheld, l9S4)i and the critique of such a theory in Averil Cameron, "The Sceptic and the Shroud " Inaugural Lecture, King's College, London il9&0), in Continuity and Change in Sixth-Century Byzantium (London: Variorum Reprints, 1981)-

13. Sec Belling, i.ikenest mid Presence., 218-24; ]. Hamburger. The Visual and the Visionary: Art and Female Spirituality in Late Medieval Germany (New York: Zone, 1998 )> chap. 7," Vision and the Veronica,™ 317-83; Gerhard Wolf, "hrom Mandylion to Veronica" in Kessler and Wulf, eds., Holy Face and the Paradox of Representation, 166- 79.

14, I renaeus, Hrrer, 1,25,6, see discussion in chap. I, Note a parallel story regarding another miraculous image of Christh the image of Camuliana in Mango, Art of the Byzantine Empire, 114—13.

] 5. These questions ¿re examined in Kessler, Spiritual Seeing, chap, 4: "Configuring the invisible by Copying I he Holy Facc " 64-87. See sino Leonid Ouspcnsky and Vladimir Lossky, The Meaning of Icons, irans. Gr E. IN Palmer and E, Kadloubovsky (Crestwood, N-Y,: St, Vladimir's Sen i nary Press, 1989), 37, where Ouspensky Lakes up the problem of va rial ions in copies of (he .same prototype, claiming the''defect of resemblances does not cause a lack of connection wit:i the prototype, or a lack of veneration towards hiin f the saint port rayed ]:" Ouspcnsky here quotes rl"heodot*e the Studite^ fief 3, sec. "Veneration is not shown to an icon inasmuch as it falL short of resembling the prototype, but inasmuch as it represents a likeness to it."

16. According to legend* this image was made by Nicodemus, whose sculpture of the crucified Christ was miraculously finished by angels. It washed up on the coast of Italy near Lucca after eighth-century Iconoclasts tossed it into ihe sea near Jerusalem, Set short discussion and bibliography on thiis image in Celling] Lrfcenew and Presence 304—5 n- 37. See also Neil Mac-Gregjot; Seeing Salvation: Imagen of Christ in An (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press* 2000)h 96-9B, and a reproduction of the Lucca images, fig, 30. MacGregor also discusses the Mandylion and Veronica images in his work.

17. Augustine,, 'i'rin S.4.7, trans. Edmund J till, The Works of St. Augustine, pt. 1, vol, 5, The Trinity, cd. J. E. Rotcllc (Brooklyn: New City, 199I), 246-47.

1 Sr Arfj of Peter 20, trans, from Hennccke and Schneem either, New TejJnflrenf Apocrypha, 2r3U2-3.

20- Aet$ of John, fl7-fi9:, trans, i lennedw arid Sdtneemelcherp Nw Testament Apocrypha, 2:225-2621. Ibid

22. Apocryphon of John, 2.4-B.

23. Origen, C. CeK 2,64 (trans. Ai\rF4:457). Compare his arguments in 6.77: "But how can Celsus and the enemies of the divine Word, and those who have not examined the doctrines of Ch ri üb a ni t y i n C he sp i r i I of t rn th> know t kL mea n i ng of I he different appea ra n ees "f Jesus? And 1 nci'cr also to 1 he di (Teten t si ages o f h i s li fe, and lo any act ions pertor med by h im before h is sufferings and after his resurreclion from I he dead "

24. í^yrilof Jerusalem, Gu. 10,51 trans. Anthony A. Stephenson and Leo Met Pauley, The Wijris of Saint Cyril of Jerusalem, vol. I, RX: (Washington, l>.C: Catholic Univ. l>ressh 1969;, I9R,

25. Henri Stern, "l^es mosaiquesde l'église de sainte-Constance k Rome,1™ DOP L2 1958): 157—2 IS. Sec the recent reconstruction of this monument and its mosaics by R. Ross llollowayh Constant ine and Rome (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2Ü04), I03i and K.B. Rasmussen, "■Tradition Legis," Cah.Arch, 47 (1999), 5-37.

26. Regarding the coexistence of both iflpes (bearded and beardless], see F-Viedrich Deichmann, Einfiihrung in die ehrisitiche Ardi&ologie (Darmstadt: W¡ssenschafl]ii:h.e Buch-gesellsdHft, 1933}, 149 and 164; and Erich Dinkier, Christas und Asfelepios* SHAW,Pit (II leidelberg: Winter, 1930), 28-29.

27. This it che main thesis of Thomas l:. Mathews, The Clash of Gotis: A Reinterpretation of Early Christian Art, rev. ed. (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Pressh 1999).

2EJr Clement, Prot. L and sec Robin Jensen, Understanding Early Christian Arf (l.ondon; Koutlcdge, 2000), 42—14, Probably unrelaled, but interestingly, the image of Sol also appears in the zodiac wheel of the synagaogue pavement at Hammath Tiberius.

29. "Itoo prominent exceptions to this are the laser mosaics in the two Ravenna baptisteries (see discussion below), by contrast, Christian art dues show both Adam and Daniel as nude; Daniel especially appears as the . lassk hero-type. Against the association of Jesus with Apollo is Paul Zanker, jViaii of Socrates: The Image of the Intellectual in Antiquity^ trans. A. Shapiro (Berkeley: L'niv, of California Press, 1995), 299. Zanker argues that Apollo's beauty is best shown in his nude body (and lesus is not shown nude). Zanker opts instead for "the tradition o I romanticized portraits of young men wiih long hair of the second cenlury A,u.n and specifics (he heroic images of Alexander, Achilles, and the image of ihc Genius Populi Rvmani- He also suggest s (probabJ y hav ing I renacu s s st alement i n ni ind „ but men:ioni ng no pa r lieu la r evi-deiiLe for this unsupported statement) that the beautiful youth image was an invention of the Gnostics, 299.

30. |ustmh I Apol 2 I -23 (trans. ANP } 170-71); see also l.istin, Dial, 69.3, For more discussion on the problem of parallels between Jesus and the "'sons of Jupiter'* in the early Christian periodh see an important article by David Aune*I leracles and Christ: Heracles Imagery in the Christology of Early Christianity," in Grrfto, Romans, and Christians, Essays in Honor of Abraham ]. Malheti/e, ed r>. Bdlch et aL (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990), 3-19*

3 ], See the discussion of Old 1 lament types in lensen, Understanding Early Christian Art, 68-77,

32. See Justin, I ApoL and Mathews> Clash of Cods, chap. 5, '"['he Magiciad>h 54-9 J (with bibliography on this subject),

33. On this gesture, see Lucien DeKruyne, "L'imposition des mains dan« Tart chrétien ancien" J&ÏAC 20 (1943): I 13-266.

34. These parallels are: noted by Jjstin, i Apol. 21.

35. See Zaiifcer, Mask of Socrates, 289-92, although he seems to see this iconographie type (Christ as philosopher) as more extensive than I do, and he extends it to the nonhearded "teacher" types as welL

36. Mathews, Clash of Gods, 69-72.

37. ibid,, 109-11. See also Zanker, Ma $k of Socrates, 310-11.

38. This ls the thesis of Mathews, Clash of Goth, see esp. charter 3j "Larger Lhan Life,™ 92- I 14, Note Zanker s objection to this identification, which he attributes to the work of Dinkier and others, Mailt of Socrates, 300, n. 51 (392),

39. Well demonstrated by Mathews,. Ckuh of Gods, 98-103.

40. Tak:'n h orn Mango, Art of the Byzantine Empire, 40—41, who gives the source as Theodorus hector, Hist- 1,15 (Pi r 86:173), and then as quoted by John of Damascus ¡PG Sii:221), Also ci ted by Mathews, CîoîJ.1 of Gods, 1S6; and Gilbert Dagron, "Holy Linages and Likeness," DOP 45 ( 1991): 29-30. J. Prcckenridge defines this "authentic" type as the Semitic type, and shows il s differences in early Byzantine coinage. See James Brecken ridge, The Numismatic Iconography of /uiiim'ûp] II (635-695) (705—7} I a.a.), Numismatic Nuites and Monographs (New York; American Numismatic Society, 1959), 4^-62.

41. Augustine, Enarrat. Ps. 133.6. Compare Clement of Alexandria, Paed. 3.11, which also cites this line from Ps 133, where he urges men not to shave, since beards give their Faces dignity and "paternal respect" Also noted by Zanker, Mcrsfc of Socrates, 290,

42. See I he discussion of this progression in Richard Brilliant, Roman Aft from the Republic to Constantine (London; Phaidon, 1974), 179-82, and discussion inchitp. 2, pp. 39—10,

4 3, An essent ial si uîI y of I he Chri slian monumerits of Ravenna was by Eri ed rich Deichman n, Kiivturifl.' Hanpstade des ipHtatuikett Abettlandes, 3 vols. (Weishadni: Steiner, 1969-19£9}.

44. h"or a general introduction to the political ajid religious context of Ravenna in this time, see Mark J. Johnson, towards a History of Theodorlc s Kuîlding Program," DOP 42 (1988): 73-96] and Otto von Simpsons now classic work, Sacred Fortress: Byzantine Art and Statecraft in Ravenna (Princeton: Princeton L:'niv. I^ess, 1987}; and Carl Otto Nordstrom, Ravermastudien: Ideengeschichte and ikonograpbische Untersnchnngen iiber die Mosaiken von Ravenna (Stockholm; AJm<]uist and Wiksdl, 1953).

45. On ihis building see Giuseppe Bovjni, SilttfMpftUjnaw Nuovo in Ravenna (Milan; Silvan* Editoriale darte, 1961),

46. Nell MacGregor's attempt to resolve litis was unsatisfactory, since he cited Nestoriao Chrlstnlogy rather tlian Arian Chrlstology and argued that the beardless Christ represented more the div i ne Jiatu re ( s i nee he was worId ng wonders and mIracl es), wh île til e bearded Chr 1st showed the human natnre (since he suffered in his human nature according to Ncstorius); Ses-irig Salvation, 79-83,

47. Oil the baptistery of the Orthodox, see the basic work of Spino Kostof, The Orthodox Baptistery of Ravenna (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1963),

4 tf. See Robin lensen,What Are Pagan River (îods Doing at Scenes of Jesus1 Itaptism?11 HR 9.1 (1993):35-41, 54-5549. Kostof, T^rc Orthodox Baptistery, 87,

50. Origen, Comm. Matt. 100 (PG 13:756); see Acts of john 90; Acts of Peter 20 as well.

51. John Glirysostom, Horn. Matt, 56. This was also the moment when Moses finally "saw God."1 according to Ircnaeus, Tcrlullian, and olhcrs; see discussion in chap. 3.

52. See the very inle resting and helpful discussion of lb is mosaic and the mot if of the Ira ns-figuration in Jas Eisner. Art and the Roman Viewer: The Transformation of Art from the Pagan World to Christianity (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1995), 99-104, I I 1-23,

53. Gregory of Naziajmis, Then. Ord/,37,3 (trans. NPNP 7:339).

54. Eisner refers to this image as an "esemplum of the act of spiritual viewing" and a portrayal of mystical vision, Arf and the Roman Viewer, 112-14

55. Epistle or' Eusebius to Constantia, trans. Mango, Art of the Byzantine Empire, 17.

56. See Daniel Sa has, Icon and Logos: Sot trees ih Eighth-Century Iconoclastn (Tbronto: L'niv. of Toronto Press, 1986L 134-H3,

I hid., 14 [tram. NPNP 4:43); also cited in chap. 4, ibid., 17-18,

60. |ohnChrysoslom,CflfiFic:'[, Mum. ] trans, P, Wr Hark ins, Bapto ttuti In StrUCtiv ACW 31 [New York: Newman, 1963), 179-ftO. An iatere&tiqg discussion on colors and the print's work of mixing them and so forth appeLins in Gregory of IVyssa, Anitna et res. (in WPNP 5:445).

6, Early Portraits of the Saints and the Question of Likeness

1. I oh n of Damascus has an interesting defense of saints1 portraits as added to Linages of Christ or Mary, I Apol. 19, l;or an excel lent and gen era I introduction to this topic, see Cynthia Hah nt "Seeing and Relieving; The Construction of Sanctity in Early-Medi eval Saints' Serines," Speculum 72 (1997): 1079-IMl

3r On the use of colors as symbols tor virtues, see chap. 1, n. 60,

4. Sec 1 lans Achctis, Pii Katakomben ton Neapel {Ijeipzig; Hicrscmann, L936), 6,48,6S, and pL The Procubs sKoeolium is disciHsed here also, -Hi* 62-63, and pi. 27. See also Umberto Fasola, Lteatacombe ¿li S* Gennaro a Capodimonte (Rome; Editalia, 1975), 73 and 43; and discussion by I tans belting, Likeness and Pretence; A History of the Image before the J:'ru of Art, trails. E, Jephcott (Chicago; Uhiiv. of Chicago Press, L994), £2.

5. The identities of all the figures in these frescoes are much disputed. See discussion of all these paintings, with helpful footnotes, in Belting, Likeness iinti Presence, 82,

6. The difficulties with identification of the figures in the paintings are mulched by the controversy over the site itself. See the helpful summary of the problem in hucy Grigs forthcoming work. jVfflt ing jVfii rty rs in Late Antiquity (London; Duckworlh, 2(H>4), chap-6,

7. An ed ict of C3 ratian, Va len t la n:, a nd' llieodosius J forbad e the t ra nsfer of a buri ed body to a not I let place, along wi th th e sel li ng o f a nia rty r's rel ics. The same edict encouraged t he build -ingor elaboration of a inartyriuni at the site of a saints burial: Codex Thai. 9 J 7.7.

S. I^ulinus, Carm. 27.542, trans. Patrick G. Walsh* The JbeFffi cjT iVriJiiiJ rij of Nolo, ACW (New York: Newman, 1975), 290-91.

9. Paulinus, Ep. 32,2-3, trans, Patrick G, Walsh, Letters of St. Paulinas of Sola, ACW 36 (Westminster, N.Y.:Newman, 1967), 135-36.

11. On the practice of ekphrasts in the ancient world, see la! Eisner, Art and the Raman Viewer: The Transformation of Art from the Pagan VtorM to Christianity (Cambridge: Cambridge L'niv. Press, 1995), 21-4B, with bibliography.

12. See the forthcoming work of Crig, Making Martyrs, for an important discussion of this ancicnt practicc.

13. John Chrysostom, Horn, encom, in Melet. [PC> !?Gi ii 16), iilso cited by Cyril Mango, The Art of the Byzantine Empire 312-1453: Starves and Documents ("Jbronto: Univ. of Toronto Pre«, ] 966) 39-40.

14. Ps. Ilastl, Ham, 17 (FG 31:489), trans. Mango, The An of the Byzantine Empire, 37. In a nother place, Rasil u rges one who i s a nxio us to I >e perfect 1 o ^a^e upo n t lie lives of saints as if upon living and moving statues and imitate their virtue; Ep. 2,3.

15. Gregory of Nyssa, Laud. Theod. (PG 46:737), trans, Mango, Art of the Byzantine Empire, 36—37.

16. Basil. Horn, 19 [PG 31:507-3). An elghih- or ninth-century wall painting depicting these martyrs in in im oratory of (he church of S;int,i Maria Antitjua in the Roman Forum -

17. AslcriuH. as ciled by Mango, Art of the Byzantine Empire,

IS. Prudent! us^ JVrf., text and trans, in CC5L 126hed. M. P. Cunningham (Tum)mut, 1966), I. On ^rudentins's wnrl. see these helpful books: Anne-Marie PiQrtier, pfijfiftiri'ui cm the Martyrs (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 19fl9); and Michael J. Roberts, Poetry and the Cult of the Martyrs; The Liber Peristephanon of Prudentius (Ann Arbor: Univ. of Michigan Press, 1993J.

21. Sei discussion in Roberts, Poetry and the Cult of the Martyrs, 13S n, L4, also see the discussion of Grig, jVifltr?)^ Martyrs, chap. 6.

22. Augustine, icr^n. 3 16.5, also noted by Roberts, ftoetry and the. Cut' of the Martyrs,, n. 14.

23. l-'ortunatus, Carm. 10.6,92. See Raymond Van Dam, Saints and '¡'heir Miracles hi Ijtie Antique Gaul (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1993:, 130-5; and Herbert l_ Kesslet*Pictorial Narrative and C^lvanch Mission in Sixth-(Century Caul," in his Studies Pictpripl jV^r/cii^e (London: Pindar, 1994), 1-32.

25. As cited above, note 13: JcimChrysostom, iiewt encom. in Melet.

26. Eptphanlus, T«rr, text and trans, in Mango, Art of the Byzantine Empte, 41, from Geor$ije Ostrogorsky> ed., Studien zur Geschiehte des byzantinischen Bildernreites (Dne&lau: Marcus-j 1929), 67. See discussion below of the question of authenticity of the fragments of tpiphanius.

2 7, buseb i us, His t. 7,1 fi; see disc ussion i n chap. I, p. 2 5.

29. On the double apostolic foundation of Rome, see Irenacus> Haer. 3.3.2, A fairly lengthy study of the i conography of Peter ond Paul, was published by J, M. Huskinson: Concordia Apoi-toloruml Christian Propaganda at Rome in die Fourth and Fifth Centuries, BAR International Series 143 (Oxford: B.ArR.h l%2).

30. Augusti ne, Sem. 352-4. A study of this i nsert if] n ¡Tito t be A els of Peter ( II: it and its tr a remission), along with its various problems, maybe found in Acta Apostohmm Apocrypha l,ed. R. A. I ipsiufi (T1 Odesheim: Ohus, 1939), 1-22. See also Robin Jensen, "Mioses Imagery in Jewish and Christian Art," in SBL Seminar Papers 31(1992), 396-90.

31. The identification of the two women in the sccne as the Etxlesia ex Gent Urns and Eccle-sia ex Circumcisions is supported hy parallel mosaics in the Jiasllica of Santa Sabina In Rome, whic h can be dated to the early fifth century.

32. Sec Nancy Peterson Sevccnko, entry no. 506, in The. Age of Spirituality: Catalogue of the Exhibition at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, November 19, 1977—February 12, 1978, cd, K, Weitzmann (New Ynrk: Metropolitan Museum of Art,. 1979), 569.

33. On the go Id-glass portraits, see Charles Kufus Mo rev, The Gold-Glass Collection of the Vatican Library, ed.G. Perrarl (Vatican City: ttiblioteca Apostolica Vatican a, 1969), entries 49-76; and forthcoming, Lucy Grig, "Portraits, Pontiffsh and the Christianisation of Fourth-(. Century Rom e,'* PBSR 59 (2004}T where the author uses the fourth-century gold -glass po rt ra its as a case study to examine the visual culture of Late Antiquity and compares the portraits of Christian saints to the efforts of Fopi.- Damasus to establish the cult of Roman bishops and mariprs, A brief, reoeni discussion of these portraits included in David Cartlidge and Keith Elliott, Art and the Christian Apocrypha (London: Roütledge, 2001), 134r-48. Also see F- Bis-cojui,Pietro e Paolo: l.'invenzi one delle immagini, la rievocazione delle storie, la genesi delle teofani," in Pietro e tfiöfo: la storia, il culto, la mamorta, net primi secoli, ed, Angela l>onati (Milan: Elect ra, 2000), 43 53.

34. On the ivory buckle and the tradition of the meeting of Peter and Paul and its representation in iconography in general, sec Kessler, 'The Meeting of Peter and Paul in Rome," in his Studies in Pictorial Narrative, 529-48,

35. Trans, Hennecke and Sdtneemelcher, New Testament Apocrypha 2:339. l^r more on this description, see R. M. Grant,"The Description of Paul in the Acts of Paul and Tliecla," VC 36 (1982): 1-4; and Abraham J. Malherbe, "A Physical Description of PttOT HTR 79 (1986): 170-73.

36. Nicephorus, Hist. 2,2.37. 'Die description of Peter Is quoted In Christopher Matthew, "Nicephorus Callistus' Physical Description of Peter: An Original Component of the Acts of Peter?1* ApOrr|fp/td 7 (1996): 143-45. Matthews argues thai Nicephorus s description was based on a missing version of the Acts of Peter, mainly because he clearly based hi* description of Paul on a textual antecedent, the passage Irom the Acfi of Paul and Thecla cited above, Nit also because a physical description was a "standard feature of Greco- Roman biography13 (140). .See a critical evaluation of earlier theories of Pettioe portraiture m CLrtiidgeand t:]liothAir and the Christ ion Apocrypha. 142.

37. See Huskinson, Concordia Apostohrunn and E. Dassmann, PauiWi in frühchristliche Frömmigkeit und Ktmst (Opladen: Westdeu tscher Verlag, 1982).

3&. Paul Zankel, The Mask of Socrates: The Image of the Intellectual in Antiquity, trans. A. Shapiro (Berkeley: Univ.of California Fress, 1995), 304,

39. Set Ruth W. Sullivan, :LSaints Peter and Paul: Some Ironic Aspects of Their Imaging," AH 17 (1994); 59—80, «p. 67-8$ and Cartlidge and Ellioti,Art and the Christian Apocrypha, 135-36.

40. Sec C. Pktri, "Concordia Apostoloruiû cl Renova I io Utbh?MEFR 73 (1961): 275-322; 1 luskinson, Concordia Apostaforum; and Kessler, "The Meeting of Peter and Paul in Rome" A recent critique of 1 his view is offered by Grig, "l'Ortraits, Pontiffs, and the Christianisation of fourth-Century Rome'1

41. See the discussion of some of these images (including the procession of women from the Dura baptistery) and their interpretation as Marian in Cartlidge and EILiott, Art and the Christian Apocrypha, 36.

42- On this subject see Vladimir Lossky "The tlodegitriaj1* in L Ouspcnsky and V. t.ossky. The Meaning (j/rtonfj trans. G, E'. II. Palmer and E- KadLoubovsky (Crestwood> N.Y-: St, Vlad im i rs Semi nary Pressb 19&9), 80-81 ; on the legend of St Luke pain t i ng a port rait of Mary and the child Jesush as well as a similar legend that the three mag] produced une, see Beltingh Likeness at id Presence, 49-53, with bibliography. The historical account of Ludocia's sending the image to Pulcheria from lerusalem, where she had been oti pilgrimage, comes from Theodorus l.cctor's History of the Church as reported in Niccphorus Callistus Xanthopoulos (PC 86:165a), and Irans. in Mango, An of the Byzantine Empire, 40. 'Ibday, a tourist may see otlfi such painting in the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiorein Rome,

43. The apocrypha I scencs m en tinned he re arc found in the Protevangetium of James, 7—11. The m id-sixth-century ivory throne ofMajtimian in Ravenna also shows the annunciation the trial, of the watet, Joseph's dream, the nativity, the Madonna with child (seated), and the fli^lii into Egypt* thus combining Gospel accounts with the apocryphal stories.

44, See discussion [chap. 4j of the Mary/Sarah typologies in this program as argued by Suzanne Spain, "'The Promised Blessing1: The Iconography of the Mosaics of S. Maria Mag-g:ore,': AB61 (1979): 5I.S-40. leanne Deane Sieger, in her article, "Visual Metaphor as Theology; Leo the <treat's Sermons on (he Incarnation and the Arch Mosaics of S, Maria Maggiore," Gesta 26 (19È7): 83—91. disagrees, however,, and liases her arguments on the centra lily of I he annunciation in Leo s sermons on ihc nativity. On Santa Maria Magginres decorative program i]i general, see Hein rich Karpp ïïie frïd\chrtst!khen umi miltejalterliehen Motaiken tn âcart/dï Maria Maggiorç zn Rom [Baden-Baden: Griinrm, 19661: and Beat Urenk, Die frtfhchrisdîchfti Mosaikcn in S. Marie Majorezi\ Ram (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1975).

4i>. See S. lioyd's entry no. 407 in Kurt Weitzmann, éd. The Age of Spirituality, 532, which includes some bibliography on this object.

46. Kurt Weitzmann, The Monastery of Saint Catherine at Mount Stnai: The Icons L (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1976), 18-21.

47r Translation taken from Ouspenskyand Lossky The Meaning of Icons, 3.148, Eplpbanius, Twf.j tejd and (rans, in Mango, Art of ¡he Byzantine Empire, 41—12, from Ostrogorsky, éd., Siudien zur Geschichtey 67. Partly because of their inclusion in theflarilegium of the iconoclasts read at the Synod of Hieria in 754, these writings have doubtful authenticity for Ostrogorsky—both this letter and other fragments «f Epiphanius's writings, including a portion of a letter to Bishop John of Jerusalem concerning another curtain in a church at the site of Bethel. However, since a version of this curtain episode was preserved in a chronologically contemporary letter of lerome (Ejp. 5l,9)b that document, as well as this one and the Testament quoted above, have now l>een generally accepted as authentic For more discussion of this matter see Mary Châties Murray, "Arc and the l;arly Church,"^ 282 (1977) ¡303-45, esp.336—39^ and (more recently) Pierre Maraval^Êpipliane, docteur dtrs iconoclasts" in Nieie IL 787-1937douze jj'êries d'images religieuses, ed. Prançios Boespilug and Nicolas [.ossky (Paris: Cerf, 1987). 51-62.

49. Aristotle, Poet. 143b. This test is discussed by Alain Besançon, The Forbidden Image: An Intellect itat Hi?tor}' of Iconoclasm, trans. J, M. Todd (Chicago; Uni v, of Chicago Press, 2000), 41.

50. Plolinus, Enn, 5.8lL, trans- S, McKennat Pbtinus, The ^tuefliii (London; Paber and Faber, 1962), 122-23, and also discussed in Besançon, The R>rbitUen Imager 50-51.

51. Philostratus, Vit. Apoli. 6.19, I.CL 2, 79. See previous discussion of Apollonius on the gods, chap. 2, p. 60.

54. Theodore the Studite, Ref. 2.11, citing Pi. Basil, r.,1, fil«, 5 (PG 29:724}; trans. Catherine Roth, Sf. Theodore rire Studïle the Holy Images (Crestwood, N.Y.: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 19811,49.

55, See the work of lienry Maguire- 77jc Icons of Their Bodies: Saints atui Their Images in Byzantium (Princeton; Princeton Univ. Press, 1csp. chapter I,"I.ikenessand Definition," 5-47- Maguire here discusses saints' port raits from ihc later period, bul his discussion is most helpful, applies lo much of I he ¡above, and is essential to any fiirt her study of saints' images in Byzantine ari.

See Maguire-, The]com of Their Bodies, 7-fi, for this and other examples.

57+ Gilbert [>agpD,"HoLy I mages and Likeness," UOP45 [1991): 14-33, lie re 31—32.

The story of a young monk from Sinai, who recognized Saint Plato of Ancyra based on hi& appearance in portrait images, was recounted by Nilus of Sinai, PG 79:580—81; also in Mango, Art of the Byzantine Empire, 40.

59. Augustine, Tr(n. 3.4.7, trans. Edmund Hill, The Wtirii ti/"5r. Augustine, pt- I, vol- 5, The Trinity, ed. I. E- Rotelle [Brooklyn: New Gty> 199J), 24&H7.

Glossary an iconic. I laving no visual images, especially no figurative images or portrayals of Living beings (animals or humans), apser A semici ren ta r or pul ygpnal bui Id in g recess, covered by a d orne or vauJ I; and usual] y at the end of l he cha ncel a rca of a ch u rchr arcosolium- Burial niche within a cha m her in a cal acomba marked l?y an arched opening, into which a co it Lainer for the body is placed, basílica, liectangular building designed to house secular asseiohl ies or Christian communities at worsh i p. The i nter ior space was usual ly div ided i nto th re e or m ore ai si es by rows of support Lng columns, and an apse was often placed at one end. beatific vision. The vision of God that is ultimately granted to the saved soul, or the direct knowledge or vision of God, which offers salvation to those who receive it, cataa>mhH Underground burial place comprised of tunnels and chambers, acoommoating different kinds of tombs> including narrow openings in the gallery walls, or group burials in. separate small rooms, eh ristogram, J he first t wo t íreek Lette rs o f th e name Cb rist {chi and rho), for jo ed i nto a mono ■

gram, often within a circle or a wreath. Council of Chalcedon. The fourth EcumenicalCouncil (451 im:.}, especially significant lor Its definition of the ways that the two natures of Christ were to be- understood by orthodox Christians—asdislinct (not cor fused)* but at the same time inseparable, Council of Elvira. I.oca I Spanish church council (305 c.c.), which resolved a series of disciplinary problems, including canon 36, which banned images on the walls of churches. Couneü of Ephe&ns- Ecumenical council ln:ld in 431 c.e.,which declared the Virgin Mary to be the Theotokos (God-bearer), cruciform. I laving the shape of a cross, usually with the cross bar above the center of the longer axis.

cubicuh. Small chamber within an underground burial site or catacomb, probably used by a single family or grttUp.

dormilion- From the Lalin dormitio* meaning "lo sleep" and referring to ihc death and assumption of the Virgin Mary, often shown as rccumbcnt on a bier while Chrisi receives her soul, which is depicted as an infant in swaddling clothes, flortlegiutn. A collection of passages from Christian dogmatic writings in particular the documents of the early church, usually used to provide textual support on one or another side of a theological debate, fontr A basin holding water for the sacrament of baptism, in early tilines usually deep enough to accommodate adult immersion and inserted into the floor of a room built lor the rite of' baptism.

fresco. A type of wall painting, usually rapidly done with wet paint into fresh plaster in order to product ¡t permanent mural, hagiography The writings of saints' l:ves and accounts of (heir miracles, as well as a description of their hcroic deeds and deaths, often as martyrs. hetotmasta. Prom the (ireek word for "preparation" an image of an empty throne on which a cross or Gospel book is placed. In some cases a dove representing the Holy Spirit also appears.

himation. Long, loose tunic worn by both men and women in the eastern Roman Empire. Hodegitria. An image of the Virgin Mary with the Christ child, believed to have been painted by Luke and subsequently copied and widely distributed, icon. Any Image, but usually used to refer to small panel portraits of a holy person, including Christ, l lie Virgin Mary, or the saintft produced for devotional purposes, Some icons also represent particular leasts of the ehureh rather than portraits [for evimple, the nativity) and so are called "festal icons" iconoclasm. The act of breaking or destroying icons- usually by those who accused those who used them for devotional purposes of practicing Idolatry. iconodule. From the (creek for "servant of images," referring to a person who offers veneration to the images and prayer to the saints represented in them, iconography.'I'lle study of meaning in visual art, especially by looking for recurring symbols, motifs* or composilions and trying to interpret the meaning in the imagery, cither intended by the artist of percuived by the viewer in pact. Traditional epitaph in the early Christian era, meaning" in peace.'1 iaborvttt, A Roman military standard adapted by Constant in l: to include a cliristogram placed ir.slde a wreath and sometimes also bearing the portraits of the emperor and his sons. loculi. Small horizontal openings* cut into the walls of catacomb galleries, where shrouded bodies were placed and then covered with stone or pottery slabs. maphorion A hirge veil-like head eovcring worn by wom.cn i"i Ihc East and usually shown in icons of I he Virgin Mary-martyr i um, Shrine built to house the relics of a Christ n sai nt o r m arty r, < >r a t a holy si teh u s u-

ally having a centralized plan (for example, circular, octagonal, or cruciform), nave, Irom the LLtin word, rdiiv/j, meaning ship, the center aisle nfa basilica or main area of a church building used for the gathering of the laity as opposed to the areas restricted to clergy.

nimbed. Having a halo or aureole of light behind the head indicating sanctity or power, as in the representations of Christ or the saints, oclj Ins* A circular open i n \ \ or wi ndow, oil en placed i n a dom e o r vau 11. oratory. Small chapel, often private, set apart for prayer or devoiional practice, pfttliuF»i, A wide manlle, usually WOrn by Roman men Over an uitdertunie and loosely draped around the body and slung over the arm. sarcophagus, l;roin the Creek words for "flesh-eater"a rectangular or tub-shaped stems coffin used for inhumation (deposit of a body) and often elaborately carved with relief sculpture. Seventh Ecumenical Council, Also known as the Second Council of Nicaea (787 c.t.), callcd by the iconophile Empress Irene, best known tor affirming the orthodoxy of Icons. Synod of Hieria. Council supported by the iconoclasts in 754 which condemned the making or use of icons for devotional purposes. Overturned by the Seventh licumenica I Council (Nicaea ii) in 7S7 c>e. tau-rho- Combination of the (wo Greek letters tai4 and rho into a sign that might be included in the word "stauros" (cross) and suggesting a human body on a cross, theopliany. The manifestation of the Divine to a human being, either as a natural appearance

(sometimes in human form) or as a vision. Tforaffti««. The lillc given the Virgin Mary in ihc councils of Ephesus (431) and Chaicedon

(451). Literally meaning "'God Bearer," but usually translated "Mother of God" theurgy, Summoning the Divine or d'vine power by means of magK\ in can to lions, or rituals, especially i n aid of ind I v id ual salvat ioit-I'ftuiititi i.egh, latin term for "handing over the law" referring to ihe passing of authority or (alternately) the giving of the gospel to the apostles. Usually shown in art by Christ passing a scroll to either Peter or Paul.

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