Bishops And Society

1. See esp. B. Biondi, II diritto romano cristiano (Milan, 1952-1954); J. Gaudemet, L'Église dans l'empire romain (IV-V siècles) (Paris, 1958); A. H. M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire (Oxford, 1964), 873-1024 (three long chapters on the church, religion and morals, and education and culture); and the succinct and perceptive survey by H. Chadwick, The Role of the Christian Bishop in Ancient Society (Centre for Hermeneutical Studies, Berkeley: Colloquy 35, 1980), 1-14, with the response by P. Brown (ib. 15-22). Further, for a brief analysis of the transforma-

tion of political power in the fourth century, see G. W. Bowersock, 'From Emperor to Bishop: The Self-Conscious Transformation of Political Power in the Fourth Century A.D.' CP 81 (1986), 298-307.

2. Among the vast amount of recent writing on these subjects, see esp. A. Martin, 'L'Église et la khora égyptienne au IV siècle,' REAug 25 (1979), 3-25; 'Aux origines de l'église :opte: L'implantation et le développement du Christianisme en Égypte (MV< siècles),' Revue des études anciennes 83 ( 1981 ), 35-56; R. S. Bagnall, 'Religious Conversion and Onomastic Change,' Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists 19 (1982), 105-124; E. Wipszycka, 'La chiesa nell'Egitto del IV secolo: Le strutture ecclesiastiche,' Miscellanea Historiae Ecclesiasticae 6 (1983), 182-201; P. Rousseau, Pachomius: The Making of a Community in Fourth-Century Egypt (Berkeley, 1985); E. Wipszycka, 'La valeur de l'onomastique pour l'histoire de la Christianisation de l'Égypte: À propos d'une étude de R. S. Bagnall,' ZPE 62 (1986), 173-181; R. S. Bagnall, 'Conversion and Onomasrics: A Reply,' ZPE 69 (1987), 243-256; D. J. Kyrtatas, The Social Structure of Early Christian Communities (London, 1987), 147-179; E. Wipszycka, 'La christianisation de l'Égypte aux IVf-VIf siècles: Aspects sociaux et ethniques,' Aegyptus 68 (1988), 117-165; S. Rubenson, The letters of St. Antony: Origenist Theology, Monastic Tradition, and the Making of a Saint (Lund, 1990), 89-125. Also the collective volume, The Roots of Egyptian Christianity, ed. B. A. Pearson and J. E. Goehring (Philadelphia, 1986).

3. E. Wipszycka, Les ressources et les activités économiques des églises en Égypte du 4e au 8e siècle (Brussels, 1972).

4. M. J. Hollerich, 'The Alexandrian Bishops and the Grain Trade: Ecclesiastical Commerce in Late Roman Egypt,' Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 25 (1982), 187-207.

5. N. H. Baynes, 'Alexandria and Constantinople: A Study in Ecclesiastical Diplomacy,' JEA 12 (1926), 145-156, reprinted in his Byzantine Studies and Other Essays (London, 1955), 97-115.

6. W. H. C. Frend, 'Athanasius as an Egyptian Christian Leader in the Fourth Century,' New College Bulletin 8 (1974), 20-37, reprinted as Religion Popular and Unpopular in the Early Omstian Centuries (London, 1976), No. XVI.

7. F. Vittinghoff, 'Staat, Kirche, und Dynastie beim Tode Konstantins,' L'Église et l'empire au IV siècle (Entretiens sur l'antiquité classique 34 (Vandoeuvres, 1989j), 1-28; K. L. Noethlichs, 'Kirche, Recht, und Gesellschaft in der Jahrhundertmitte,' ib. 251-294.

8. For this interpretation, see Constantine (1981), 208-260; 'The Constantinian Reformation,' The Crake Lectures 1984 (Sackville, 1986), 39-58; 'Christians and Pagans in the Reign of Constantius,' L'Église et l'empire au IY siècle (Entretiens sur l'antiquité classique 34 [Vandoeuvres, 1989)), 301-337; 'The Constantinian Settlement,' Eusebius, Judaism, and Christianity (Detro.t, 1992), 635-657.

11. What follows is a revised version of 'The Career of Athanasius,' Studia Patristica 21 (1989), 390-405, at 393-395.

14. C. Piétri, 'Constantin en 324: Propagande et théologie impériales d'après les documents de la Vita Constantini,' Crise et redressement dans les provinces européennes de l'empire romain (milieu du III* au milieu de IVe siècle ap. ). C.), ed. E. Frézouls (Strasbourg, 1983), 63-90, at 71 n. 33, argues that Constantine sent this letter only to the metropolitan bishop of each province.

15. Canon 6, cf. H. Chadwick, 'Faith and Order at the Council of Nicaea: A Note on the Background of the Sixth Canon,' HTR 53 (1960), 171-195.

16. For the inference, based on Sozomenus, HE 3.9.5, which restricts it to Alexandria, see J. Karayannopulos, Das Finanzwesen des friihbyzantinischen Staates [Siidosteuropaische Arbeiten (Munich 1958]), 216/7.

17. Presumably analogous to the vestis militaris, on which see J. Karayannopulos, Finanzwesen (1958), 112-117; J.-M. Carrié, 'L'Égypte au IV' siècle: Fiscalité, économie, société,' Proceedings of the Sixteenth International Congress of Papyrology (American Studies in Papyrology 23 [Chico, 1981]), 431-446, at 434/5.

18. See now the recent volume edited by M. Beard and J. North, Pagan Priests: Religion and Power in the Ancient World (London, 1990): the first chapter, by M. Beard, rightly stresses the religious role of the Senate in the Roman republic, which far outstripped that of the priestly colleges or the individual priests, who were all of senatorial rank (19-48).

19. Canons 2-4, 55, 56, cf. Constantine (1981), 54, 314 n. 108.

20. JLS 705 (between 333 and 335).

21. C. Lepelley, Les cités de l'Afrique romaine au Bas-Empire 1 (Paris, 1979), 362-369.

22. For the systemic importance of patronage in the Greco-Roman world, see T. Johnson and C. Dandeker, 'Patronage: Relation and System,' Patronage in Ancient Society, ed. A. Wallace-Hadrill (London, 1989), 219-242.

23. P. Brown, 'The Rise and Function of the Holy Man in Late Antiquity,' JRS 61 (1971), 80-101; 'Town, Village, and Holy Man: The Case of Syria,' Assimilation et résistance à la culture gréco-romaine dans le monde ancien, ed. D. M. Pippidi (Bucharest, 1976), 213-220, both reprinted in his Society and the Holy in Late Antiquity (Berkeley, 1982), 103-165.

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