1. Decline and Fall, chap. 21: the character-sketch paraphrased here can be found in the edition by J. B. Bury (London, 1909), 2.383-385.

2. S. Maffei, Osservazioni letterar ie che possono servir di continuazione al Ciornal de' letterati d'ltalia 3 (Verona, 1738), 60-83. Gibbon makes no reference either to J. D. Mansi's discussion of the new evidence in a dissertation on the chronology of Athanasius* career included in his Sacrorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima Collectio 3 (Florence, 1759), 87-124.

3. A. J. A. Symons, The Quest for Corvo: An Experiment in Biography (London, 1934); H. Trevor-Roper, A Hidden Life: The Enigma of Sir F.dmund Backhouse (London, 1976), published in the United States and in a second, revised English edition under the title Hermit of Peking: The Hidden Life of Sir Edmund Backhouse (London, 1979). Fergus Millar suggests a comparison also with B. Wasserstein, The Secret Lives of Trehitsch Lincoln (New Haven and London, 1988)—who invokes the same two models (7).

4. 'Zur Geschichte des Athanasius,' Nachrichten der königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Philologisch-historische Klasse 1904.333-401; 1905.164-187, 257-299; 1908.354-359, 365-374; 1911.367-426,469-522. For ninteenth- and twentieth-century opinions of Athanasius, see the recent survey by D. W.-H. Arnold, The Early Episcopal Career of Athanasius of Alexandria (Notre Dame/London, 1991), 14-23.

5. For example, Schwartz makes a serious and easily avoidable mistake over the meaning of a Syriac word while excoriating an earlier scholar for his ignorance of the language (Ges. Sehr. 3 [1959]. 2 n. 2, 9/10, 257 n. 2, cf. JTS, N.S. 37 [1986], 588/9).

6. Schwartz, Ges. Scl?r. 3 (1959), 1,72, cf. 101 n. 1. Even more revealing is Schwartz's analysis of the Festal Letters as 'a conglomerate of homiletic trivialities and wholesale biblical quotations' delivered in a tone of unsurpassable arrogance: 'predigt der Hierarch der konstantinischen Reichskirche von oben herab wie aus der Wolke;

unter den schweren Falten der Patriarchenmantels zeichnet sich keine menschliche Gestalt ab' (188/9).

7. Schwartz, Ges. Sehr. 3 (1959), 181-195 (originally published in 1908 and 1911); Kaiser Constantin und die christliche Kirche2 (Leipzig, 1936), 126-160.

8. On the importance of Opitz's work, see the brief but perceptive appreciation by W. Schneemelcher, 'Die Epistula encyclica des Athanasius,' Aufsätze (1974), 290-337, at 293-295; on his deficiencies as an editor, the harsh, but not entirely unjustified, assessment by F. Scheidweiler, 'Zur neuen Ausgabe des Athanasius,' BZ 47 (1954), 73-94.

9. Klein, Constantius (1977), xiii-xiv. The first part of the book is devoted to disproving the allegations that Constantius was 'Arian' (16-67), politically dependent, and vacillating in religious matters (68-105) or despotic (105-156). Unfortunately, Klein's use of the term 'Arianism' blurs the vital distinction between homoeans and anomoeans (Chapters XV, XVI).

10. Robertson, Select Writings (1892), xi-xci.

11. N. H. Baynes, 'Athanasiana,' 11 (1925), 58-69: pages 61-^5 only are reprinted as 'An Athanasian Forgery?' in his Byzantine Studies and Other Essays (London, 1955), 282-287.

12. P. Peeters, 'Comment Saint Athanase s'enfuit de Tyr en 335,' Bulletin de l'Académie Royale de Belgique, Classe des Lettres5 30 (1944), 131-177, reprinted in his Recherches d'histoire et de philologie orientales 2 (Subsidia Hagiographica 27 IBrussels, 1951]), 53-90; 'L'épilogue du synode de Tyr en 335 (dans les Lettres Festales de saint Athanase),' Analecta Bollandiana 63 (1945), 131-144.

13. Schwartz's Gesammelte Schriften 3: Zur Geschichte des Athanasius (Berlin, 1959) appeared nearly twenty years after his death in 1940. The editors (W. Ehester and H.-D. Altendorf) omitted the second paper completely in accordance with Schwartz's wishes, and reprinted only a small part of the fifth: the second, entitled 'Konstantins Aufstieg zur Alleinherrschaft,' contains nothing of direct relevance to Athanasius, while the fifth comprises a vitriolic attack on Adolf Harnack for denying the authenticity of 'Das antiochenische Synodaischreiben von 325' (Urkunde 18), which Schwartz published in 1905.

14. Excellent general guidance is provided by M. Simonetti, 'Alcune considerazioni sul contributo di Atanasio alia lotta contro gli Ariani,* Studi e materiali di storia delle religioni 38 (1967), 513-535, and M. Tetz, 'Athanasius von Alexandrien,' TRE 4 (1979), 331-349.1 have tried to acknowledge fully what I owe to others, but have decided to make no reference to unpublished dissertations which I have consulted, such as L. Bayer, Untersuchungen zu Konstantin und Athanasius (Diss. Tübingen, 1954), or R. A. Riall, Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria: The Politics of Spirituality (Diss. Cincinnati, 1987).

15. For critical reaction to Constantine (1981) and New Empire (1982), see especially the review-article by Averil Cameron, ' Constantin us Christianus,' JRS 73 (1983), 184-190, with her subsequent observations in History as Text: The Writing of Ancient History (London, 1989), 86/7, 206-208; the long and detailed review by F. Kolb, Gnomon 60 (1988), 45-50; and the attempted refutation of the hypothesis that Constantine attended the Council of Aries by K. M. Girardet, 'Konstantin d. Gr. und das Reichskonzil von Arles (314): Historisches Problem und methodologische Aspekte,' Oecumenica et Patristica. Festschrift für Wilhelm

Schneemelcher zum 75. Geburtstag (Geneva, 1989), 151-174. I have defended and tried to buttress central aspects of my interpretation in The Conversion of Constantine,' Classical Views, N.S. 4 (1985), 371-391; 'The Constantinian Reformation/ The Crake Lectures 1984 (Sackville, 1986), 38-57; 'Christians and Pagans in the Reign of Constantius,' L'Église et l'empire au IV* siècle (Entretiens sur l'antiquité classique 34 (Vandoeuvres 1989]), 301-337; 'Panegyric, History, and Hagiography in Eusebius* Life of Constantine,' The Making of Orthodoxy: Essays in Honour of Henry Chadwick (Cambridge, 1989), 94-123; 'The Constantinian Settlement,' Eusebius, Christianity, and Judaism (Detroit, 1992), 635-657.

16. A. Martin, with M. Albert, Histoire 'acéphale' et Index syriaque des Lettres festales d'Athanase d'Alexandrie (Sources chrétiennes 317, 1985), reviewed at length in )TS, N.S. 37 (1986), 576-589. For Maffei's editio princeps, sec his Osservazioni letterarie 3 (1738), 60-83.

17. E. A. Lowe, Codices Latini Antiquiores 4 (Oxford, 1937), No. 510. For a derailed list of the contents of the manuscript, see F. Maassen, Geschichte der Quellen und der Literatur des canonischen Rechts im Abendland 1 (Graz, 1870), 546-551; EOMIA 1.625/6; W. Telfer, 'The Codex Verona LX (58),' HTR 36 (1943), 169-246, at 178-184; A. Martin, Sources chrétiennes 317 (1985), 11-19.

18. C. H. Turner, 'The Verona MSS of canons: The Theodosian MS and its connexion with St. Cyril,' Guardian, 11 December 1895: 1121; 'Eduard Schwartz and the Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum; JTS 30 (1929), 113-120, at 115/6; Schwartz, Ges. Sehr. 3 (1959), 30-72, reprinted from Nach. Göttingen, Phil.-hist. Kl. 1904.357-391; W. Telfer, HTR 36 (1943), 169-246; A. Martin, Sources chrétiennes 317 (1985), 11-67.

19. Sources chrétiennes 317 (1985), 69-121 (the historical value of the Historia acephala and the festal Index, and the Latinity of the former), 138-168 (text and translation), 171-213 (commentary). All references to the Historia acephala will be given according to the chapters and sections of Martin's edition: since her numeration differs from that of earlier editors, a concordance is given in App. 11.

20. G. R. Sievers, 'Athanasii vita acephala: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Athanasius,' Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie 37 (1868), 89-163.

21. On all aspects of the transmission of the Festal Letters and the Index, see now Camplani, Lettere (1989), with the review in JTS, N.S. 41 (1990), 258-264.

22. All translations from the Festal Letters and Festal Index are, unless it is stated otherwise, taken from J. Payne Smith, in Robertson, Select Writings (1892), 503-553. On the calendaric aspects of the Index, see E. Schwartz, Christliche und jüdische Ostertafeln (Abhandlungen der königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Philologisch-historische Klasse, N.F. 8.6, 1905).

23. For example, Index 2: 'In this year he went through the Thebais.' There has been some disagreement about what calendaric period 'this year' designates in the Index: Gwatkin, Arianism2 (1900), 107-109, argued that the Index always employs Egyptian years; F. Loofs, 'Die chronologischen Angaben des sogenannten "Vorberichts" zu den Festbriefen des Athanasius,' Sitzungsberichte der königlichen preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin 1908.1013-1022, that it always means the relevant consular year; Schwartz, Ges. Sehr. 3 (1959), 2-14,327-334, that the year intended is sometimes the Egyptian, sometimes the consular. Given the nature of the Index as an introduction to a corpus of Festal Letters, reckoning from one Eas-

ter to the next is a priori most probable. Eusebius had used almost the same variable for the 'years of persecution' in his Martyrs of Palestine (Constantine [1981], 149-154,355-357).

26. P. Lond. 1913,1914, cf. Chapter HI, at nn. 43-45.

27. All of the seven works listed below are included in W. Bright, Historical Writings of St. Athanasius (Oxford, 1881). Schwartz, Ges. Sehr. 3 (1959), 85, 285 n. 2, 311, denounced the use of this title for what he characterised as pamphlets and 'sehr deutliche Beispiele der antiken Publizistik'—and he issued a dire warning against the dates which Bright appends in the margins of his edition (for example, the letter of the Council of Alexandria in 338 is dated to '339-340' [13]). For a recent general introduction to these works (unfortunately not always accurate in detail), see B. H. Warmington, 'Did Athanasius Write History?' The Inheritance of Historiography, 350-900, ed. C. Holdsworth and T. P. Wiseman (Exeter, 1986), 7-16; on the problem of defining their literary genre, Schneemelcher, Aufsätze (1974), 280-297.

28. On the textual history of Athanasius' works, see esp. H.-G. Opitz, Untersuchungen zur Überlieferung der Schriften des Athanasius (Berlin/Leipzig, 1935); M. Tetz, 'Les écrits "dogmatiques" d'Athanase: Rapport sur les travaux relatifs à l'édition des oeuvres d'Athanase, tome I,' Politique et théologie (1974), 181-188.

29. Opitz 169-177 (Ep. enc.), cf. Chapter V. On the importance of Opitz's critical text of this work, see Schneemelcher, Aufsätze (1974), 318-324.

30. Opitz 87-168 (Apol. c. Ar.), cf. App. 2. The title Apologia secunda is both inau-thentic and seriously misleading: it derives from the editorial decision after Athanasius' death which placed it immediately after the Defense of His Plight in the corpus of his polemical writings—an order faithfully preserved in the extant manuscripts of Athanasius.

32. Opitz 279-300 (Apol. ad Const.), cf. App. 3.1 have used Opitz's edition throughout, even though only pages 279/80 have been published, as being superior to the edition by J. Szymusiak, Sources chrétiennes 56 (1958), 88-132 (reprinted with few changes other than revised pagination as Sources chrétiennes 56bis [1987], 86-174). Szymusiak did not regard it as one of his duties as editor to take account of Opitz's unpublished edition, to which he nowhere refers.

33. There is no modern critical edition of the work (CPG 2092): all references will be given to the chapter divisions in Montfaucon's text as reprinted in PG 25.537-593.

37. See Chapter XIII n. 9. Lucifer is most recently and most competently edited by G. F. Diercks, CCL 8 (1978), with a long and helpful introduction. On the historical value of his pamphlets, see still G. Krüger, Lucifer Bischof von Caralis und das Schisma der Luciferianer (Leipzig, 1886), esp. 25.

38. Brennecke, Hilarius (1984), 199-371. For criticism of his basic thesis that the Nicene creed played no part in the debates at the Councils of Aries (353/4), Milan (355), or Baeterrae (356), see J. Doignon, 'Hilaire de Poitiers "Kirchenpolitiker"? À propos d'un ouvrage récent,' RHE 80 (1985), 441-454.

39. Edited by A. Feder, CSEjL (1916), 41-193. For a conspectus of the documents and their dates, together with an argument for dating the original composition of the work to the winter of 357/8, see 'The Capitulation of Liberius and Hilary of Poitiers,' Phoenix 46 (1992), 256-265.

40. Gregory of Nazianzus, Oral. 21 (PG 35.1081-1128), recently edited and translated into French by J. Mossay, Grégoire de Nazianze: Discours 20-23 (Sources chrétiennes 270, 1980), 110-192.

42. CPG 3521, cf. F. Winkelmann, Untersuchungen zur Kirchengeschichte des Gelasios von Kaisareia (Sitzungsberichte der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Klasse für Sprachen, Literatur und Kunst 1965, Abh.3 (1966)); 'Die Quellen der Historia Ecclesiastica des Gelasius von Cyzicus (nach 475)/ Byzantinoslavica 27 (1966), 104-130; 'Charakter und Bedeutung der Kirchengeschichte des Gelasios von Kaisareia,' Polychordia: Festschrift F. Dölger (Byzantinische Forschungen 1, 1966), 346-385; 'Vita Metrophanis et Alexandri BHG 1279,' Analecta Bollandiana 100 (1982), 147-184. The exact scope of Gelasius' lost history is uncertain. Winkelmann, Untersuchungen (1966), 106-108, took it beyond the death of Athanasius to the mid-370s, while P. Nautin, Dictionnaire de géographie et d'histoire ecclésiastiques 20 (1984), 300, extended it as far as the death of Theodosius. On the other hand, J. Schamp, 'Gélase ou Rufin: Un fait nouveau: Sur des fragments oubliés de Gélase de Césarée (CPG, No. 3521 ),' Byzantion SI (1987), 360-390, argues from Photius, Bibliotheca 15, 88, that Gelasius of Caesarea (like Gelasius of Cyzicus) concentrated on the Council of Nicaea and did nor go beyond the death of Arius.

43. On these, see F. Thelamon, Païens et chrétiens au IV siècle: L'apport de l'"Histoire ecclésiastique" de Rufin d'Aquilée (Paris, 1981), 37-122.

44. On 'legends in Rufinus,' see Gwatkin, Arianism2 (1900), 97-102.

45. Chapters II, III.

53. Sozomenus, HE 2.25, cf. Chapter III; HE 4.8.4, cf. Chapter XL

54. On the value of Philostorgius' account of Athanasius, see the contrasting assessments of W. G. Rusch, 'À la recherche de l'Athanase historique,' Politique et théologie (1974), 161-177; D. W.-H. Arnold, Early Career (1991), 25-62.

55. See the classic edition by J. Bidez (GCS 21,1913), revised with substantial addenda by F. Winkelmann (Berlin, 1972: third edition 1981).

56. BHGi 170-171c = CPG 8082, now edited by B. Kotter, Die Schriften des Johannes von Damaskos S (Patristische Texte und Studien 29 {Berlin], 1988), 202-245. The attribution to John was argued by F. J. Dölger in 1951 in an unpublished study which Kotter acknowledges and quotes (ib. 185/6).

57. P. Batiffol, 'Un historiographe anonyme arien du IV siècle,' Römische Quartalschrift 9 (1895), 57-97.

58. J. Bidez, Philostorgius Kirch engeschichte (1913), 202-241, Anhang VII: 'Fragmente eines Arianischen Historiographen.'

59. Gwatkin, Arianism2 (1900), 219-224; Brennecke, Hontöer (1988), 92-95, 114-157.

62. BHG* 183-186; Auctarium 186e'; BHL 728-733; BHO 112-117. The principal Greek lives were edited by Montfaucon and reprinted by Migne, namely, Photius, Bibiiotheca 258 (PG 25.ccxi-ccxxiii), the pre-metaphrastic life (PG 25.clxxxv-ccxi), and the reworking by Symeon the Metaphrast (PG 25.ccxxiii-ccxlvi).

63. Respectively, Synodicon vetus 42 (edited, translated, and annotated by J. Duffy and J. Parker, Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae (Washington, 1979]), and Photius, Homily 16.7, p. 159 Laourda, cf. C. Mango, The Homilies of Photius, Patriarch of Constantinople (Cambridge, Mass., 1958), 238,271 n. 33.

64. On the relation of Athanasius' theology to his career see W. Schneemelcher, 'Athanasius von Alexandrien als Theologe und als Politiker,' ZNW 43 (1950-1951), 242-255, reprinted in his Aufsätze (1974), 274-289.

The present work assumes that the Life of Antony (BHG* 140 = CP G 2101) is not by Athanasius: for recent discussion of its authorship, sec 'Angel of Light or Mystic Initiate? The Problem of the Life of Antony; JTS, N.S. 37 (1986), 353-367; L. Abramowski, 'Vertritt die syrische Fassung die ursprüngliche Gestalt der Vita Antonii? Eine Auseinandersetzung mir der These Draguets,' Mélanges A. Guillaumont (Cahiers d'orientalisme 20 (Geneva, 1988]), 47-56; A. Louth, 'St. Athanasius and the Greek Life of Antony,' JTS, N.S. 39 (1988), 504-509; R. Lorenz, 'Die griechische Vita Antonii des Athanasius und ihre syrische Fassung,' ZKG 100 (1989) 77-84; S. Rubenson, The Letters of St. Antony: Origenist Theology, Monastic Tradition, and the Making of a Saint (Lund, 1990), 126-144, with the review in JTS, N.S. 42 (1991), 723-732. None of these writers discusses the earliest reference to the Life, which occurs in a letter of Serapion of Thmuis in 362/3: OptoP dßßä äitwhos Si'dxpoTaTov ßiov 7€uôp€voç ou Kai ô ßios êyypaîTTOÇ Trap' Ojilv Staate Tai (Ep. ad monachos 13 (PG 40.940J). That is surely an odd way for Serapion to refer to the Life if he believed that it had been written by Athanasius in Alexandria.

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