Protestantism Religion And World Power

The world is changing rapidly, leaving many puzzled by its twists and turns. One of the settled assumptions of Western thought during the period 1960 to 1990 was that religion was of diminishing importance in world affairs. Paul Kennedy's magisterial Rise and Fall of the Great Powers (1988) mentions Islam only incidentally, and then links it particularly with the fortunes of the Ottoman Empire.12 There is no hint, no anticipation, of the importance of Islam as a political force to be reckoned with in the "new world order" following the collapse of the Soviet Union. As was pointed out some time ago by the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies, the foreign policy of the United States has consistently underestimated the importance of religion as a political force.13 Democratic and Republican administrations alike have seriously misread the growing importance of religion as a global force.

The development is obvious to those who have eyes to see. Religion has the capacity to transcend national and cultural barriers, uniting Muslims in Britain in a powerful bond of sympathy with their coreligionists in Palestine, Jews in New York with those in Israel, and Catholics in Boston with those in Northern Ireland. As both Christianity and Islam continue their global expansion, the question of their frontiers and boundaries is becoming increasingly sensitive—witness the serious tensions in both Nigeria and the Sudan between the predominantly Muslim north and predominantly Christian south. If Western statecraft is to deal with these developments, it needs to be realistic about the strategic importance of religion instead of relying on the wisdom of the late 1960s, which held that religion was dying out and would be replaced by a secular liberal world order in both the East and West.

But an objection might be raised at this point. Granted that religion is becoming more important as a global factor—surely this hardly applies, however, to Protestantism, which has shown relatively little inclination to political activism throughout the twentieth century?

The analysis of this book suggests that this is a dangerously simplistic judgment. It is of the essence of Protestantism to reexamine and renew itself, responding to its environment, on the one hand, and its own reading of the Bible, on the other. Protestantism has undergone massive change in the twentieth century—change that would have been unpredicted and unanticipated in the closing years of the nineteenth century. Protestantism is uncontrollable. As with Islam, there is no centralized power, no institutionalized authority to regulate or limit its development. Protestantism is increasingly open to political radicaliza-tion, with unforeseeable implications.

That process is already under way. There are telltale straws in the wind for those who are willing to look and listen. In 1960 it would have been unthinkable for conservative American Protestants to become actively involved in politics. Faith was a private matter, confined to the home and church. Politics was seen as "worldly," something that corrupted faithful believers and led them away from the straight and narrow path. As late as 1965, Jerry Falwell distinguished between "Ministers and Marchers," arguing that "the duty of the church is to preach the Word, not focus on externals." Yet even then there was a growing realization of the need for political engagement and activism on the part of many around him. By the late 1990s, even the most conservative Protestants were politically engaged, determined to redirect their nation, religiously and politically. There are many who dislike their politics; their importance, however, can hardly be overlooked.

So what has changed? George Marsden and other historians are clear that a critical factor was the perceived drift of American political culture in a secular or antireligious direction. Reacting against such developments, conservative Protestants realized the importance of religiously motivated political engagement. The fundamental theme was that of "a proclamation of reclaimed authority over a sacred tradition which is to be reinstated as an antidote for a society that has strayed from its cultural moorings."14 Just as Western secularism and political adventurism in the Middle East contributed to the rise of radical Islam, so its counterpart back home may well have begun an equivalent process within Protestantism. The political impact of this development, if it continues, will be incalculable. Protestantism has the innate capacity to reclaim its older self-understanding as a political as much as a religious entity. Whether that happens depends largely on whether Western culture creates the conditions that will bring it about—for it is primarily a reactive process.

So what of the future of Protestantism? Those who base their answer on its fortunes in western Europe, its original heartlands, may offer a somewhat negative answer. But for those who have reflected on its remarkable advances elsewhere, such an answer is inadequate. Yes, the sun may set on a movement—but it is too easily forgotten that the sun rises again the next day. Protestantism has had its moments in the past; it will have them again in the future.

Those who are anxious about the future of Protestantism often urge that radical change in its self-understanding is necessary if it is to survive, let alone prosper. Tempora mutantur, nos et mutamur in illis ("Times are changing, and we change with them"—Ovid). The historical and theological analysis presented in this book offers a rather different answer. We have seen that Protestantism possesses a unique and innate capacity for innovation, renewal, and reform based on its own internal resources. The future of Protestantism lies precisely in Protestantism being what Protestantism actually is.



1. Diarmaid MacCulloch, Thomas Cranmer (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996), 196.

2. This is not to say that this idea was not encountered in other periods of Christian history, where it was associated with individual writers or sectarian groups. The point is that this marginal idea became mainline as it moved from the fringes of respectable church life to take a central place in the major religious transformations of the sixteenth century.

3. For some of the issues, see Marcus Walsh, "Profession and Authority: The Interpretation of the Bible in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries," Literature and Theology 9 (1995): 383-98.

4. The Vanishing Protestant Majority, GSS Social Change Report 49 (Chicago: National Opinion Research Center, University of Chicago, 2004).

5. Outstanding recent studies of the history of the Reformation include: Euan Cameron, The European Reformation (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991); Carter Lindberg, The European Reformations (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996); and Diarmaid MacCulloch, Reformation: Europe's House Divided, 1490-1700 (London: Allen Lane, 2003).

6. The older generation of such studies includes: John Dillenberger and Claude Welch, Protestant Christianity Interpreted Through Its Development (New York: Scribner, 1954); J. S. Whale, The Protestant Tradition: An Essay in Interpretation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1955); Louis Bouyer, The Spirit and Forms of Protestantism (Westminster, MD: Newman Press, 1956); Emile G. Léonard, A History of Protestantism (London: Nelson, 1965); Charles W. Kegley, Protestantism in Transition (New York: Harper & Row, 1965); Jerald C. Brauer, Protestantism in America: A Narrative History (Philadelphia: Westminster Press,

1965); Martin E. Marty, Protestantism (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1972).

7. Andrew Pettegree, "Reformation Europe Re-formed," History Today 49, no. 12 (1999): 10-16.

8. Mack P. Holt, "The Social History of the Reformation: Recent Trends and Future Agendas," Journal of Social History 37 (2003): 133-44.

9. Lucy E. C. Wooding, Rethinking Catholicism in Reformation England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000).

10. Volker Leppin, "Wie reformatorisch war die Reformation?" Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche 99 (2002): 162-76; Martin Ohst, "'Reformation' Versus 'Protestantismus'? Theologiegeschichtliche Fallstudien," Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche 99 (2002): 441-79.

11. Thomas J. Davis, "Images of Intolerance: John Calvin in Nineteenth-Century History Textbooks," Church History 65 (1996): 234-48. For the lingering influence of this stereotype of Calvin, see Will Durant's comment that "we shall always find it hard to love the man who darkened the human soul with the most absurd and blasphemous conception of God in all the long and honored history of nonsense"; Will Durant, The Reformation (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1957), 490.

12. Petegree, "Reformation Europe Re-formed," 16.

13. Murray W. Dempster, Byron D. Klaus, and Douglas Petersen, eds., The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel (Carlisle, UK: Regnum Books International, 1999).

14. See the important points made by Mark A. Noll, "The Contingencies of Christian Republicanism: An Alternative Account of Protestantism and the American Founding," in Protestantism and the American Founding, edited by Thomas S. Engeman and Michael P. Zuckert (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2004), 225-56.

15. Alister E. McGrath, Luther's Theology of the Cross: Martin Luther's Theological Breakthrough (Oxford: Blackwell, 1985).

16. Alister E. McGrath, Iustitia Dei: A History of the Christian Doctrine ofJustification, 3rd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).

17. Alister E. McGrath, The Intellectual Origins of the European Reformation, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Blackwell, 2003).


1. For studies illuminating aspects of these roles, see Colin Morris, The Papal Monarchy: The Western Church from 1050 to 1250 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991); Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England c. 1400-c. 1580 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992); R. N. Swanson, Church and Society in Late Medieval England (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993); Carl A. Volz, The Medieval Church: From the Dawn of the Middle Ages to the Eve of the Reformation (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1997).

2. George Holmes, ed., Oxford Illustrated History of Medieval Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988); Robert Bartlett, The Making of Europe: Conquest, Colonization, and Cultural Change, 950-1350 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993).

3. See James C. Russell, The Germanization of Early Medieval Christianity: A Socio-historicalApproach to Religious Transformation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994).

4. Kathleen Cushing, Papacy and Law in the Gregorian Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998).

5. Jane Sayers, Innocent III, Leader of Europe, 1198-1216 (New York: Longman, 1994).

6. The classic account of the early phase of this development remains Brian Tierney, Foundations of the Conciliar Theory: The Contribution of the Medieval Canonists from Gratian to the Great Schism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1955). For its later development, see Brian Patrick McGuire, Jean Gerson and the Last Medieval Reformation (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2005).

7. For an accessible account, see Yves Renouard, The Avignon Papacy, 1305-1403 (London: Faber and Faber, 1970).

8. The flavor of the debates of that era can be sensed from J. H. Burns and Thomas M. Izbicki, eds., Conciliarism and Papalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). For the later debate, see Katherine Eliot van Liere, "Victoria, Cajetan, and the Conciliarists," Journal of the History of Ideas 58 (1997): 597-616.

9. Caroline M. Barron and Jenny Stratford, eds., The Church and Learning in Later Medieval Society (Donington, UK: Shaun Tyas, 2002).

10. See Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann, The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge (New York: Anchor Books, 1990).

11. David S. Peterson, "Out of the Margins: Religion and the Church in Renaissance Italy," Renaissance Quarterly 53 (2000): 835-79.

12. Jean-Maurice Rouquette, Provence romane: La Provence rhodanienne, 2nd ed. (La Pierre-qui-Vire: Zodiaque, 1980), 50.

13. Francis Sullivan, Salvation Outside the Church? Tracing the History of the Catholic Response (Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 1992).

14. On the Borgias, see Joachim Brambach, Die Borgia: Faszination einer Renaissance-Familie (Munich: Diederichs, 1995).

15. For comment, see Wendy Scase, Piers Plowman and the New Anticlericalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989); Peter A. Dykema and Heiko A. Oberman, eds., Anticlericalism in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe, 2nd ed. (Leiden: Brill, 1994); Geoffrey Dipple, Antifraternalism and Anticlericalism in the German Reformation: Johann Eberlin von Günzburg and the Campaign Against the Friars (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1996).

16. For comments on the growth of piety in England around this time, see Andrew Brown, Popular Piety in Late Medieval England: The Diocese of Salisbury, 1250-1550 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995); Susan S. Morrison, Women Pilgrims in Late Medieval England: Private Piety as Public Performance (London: Routledge, 2000); Mary C. Erler, Women, Reading, and Piety in Late Medieval England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002); Kathleen Kamerick, Popular Piety and Art in the Late Middle Ages: Image Worship and Idolatry in England, 1350-1500 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002).

17. For a fascinating analysis of peasant beliefs on this matter, see Carlo Ginzburg, The Night Battles: Witchcraft and Agrarian Cults in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992).

18. See Anne Clark Bartlett and H. Bestul Thomas, Cultures of Piety: Medieval English Devotional Literature in Translation (Ithaca. NY: Cornell University Press, I999).

19. Robert Stupperich, "Das Enchiridion Militis Christiani des Erasmus von Rotterdam nach seiner Entstehung, seinem Sinn und Charakter," Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte 69 (1978): 5-23.

20. For points of connection, see Heinz Holeczek, Humanistische Bibelphilologie als Reformproblem bei Erasmus von Rotterdam, Thomas More, und William Tyndale (Leiden: Brill, 1975).

21. The classic study remains Elizabeth L. Eisenstein, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change: Communications and Cultural Transformations in Early-Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). For a careful study of the gradual change from manuscript to printed books, see David McKitterick, Print, Manuscript, and the Search for Order, 1450-1830 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).

22. For some of the developments, see John W. O'Malley, Giles of Viterbo on Church and Reform: A Study in Renaissance Thought (Leiden: Brill, 1968); Barbara McClung Hallman, Italian Cardinals, Reform, and the Church as Property (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985).

23. For an accessible account of these reforms and their impact, see Sara Tilghman Nalle, God in La Mancha: Religious Reform and the People of Cuenca, 1500-1650 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), 3—31.

24. For the background, see John Edwards, The Spain of the Catholic Monarchs, 1474-1520 (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000); Charles A. Truxillo, By the Sword and the Cross: The Historical Evolution of the Catholic World Monarchy in Spain and the New World, 1492-1825 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2001).

25. Gabriel Audisio, The Waldensian Dissent: Persecution and Survival, c. 1170-c. 1570 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). Note also the alternative spelling "Waldesian." For a more popular account of this important movement, see Giorgio To urn, I Valdesi: La Singolare vicenda di un popolo-chiesa (1170-1976) (Turin: Editrice Claudiana, 1977).

26. The best study of this movement is Marie F. Viallon, Italie, 1541, ou l'uniteperdue de lEglise (Paris: Editions CNRS, 2005).

27. For analysis of this important issue, see Joseph T. Lienhard, The Bible, the Church, and Authority: The Canon of the Christian Bible in History and Theology (Colleg-eville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1995); Stephen E. Fowl, ed., The Theological Interpretation of Scripture: Classic and Contemporary Readings (Oxford: Blackwell,

28. For a full scholarly account of the developments noted in this section, see Alister E. McGrath, The Intellectual Origins of the European Reformation, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Blackwell, 2003).

29. For introductions, see Roberto Weiss, The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity (Oxford: Blackwell, 1988); Charles G. Nauert, Humanism and the Culture of Renaissance Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Jill Kraye, ed., The Cambridge Companion to Renaissance Humanism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).

30. See, for example, Robert Coogan, Erasmus, Lee, and the Correction of the Vulgate: The Shaking of the Foundations (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1992).

31. Erasmus actually included this in his text of the New Testament, for reasons that are not entirely persuasive; see Charles Augrain, "A propos du Comma Johan-neum," Moreana 35 (1998): 87-94.

32. See the classic study of P. S. Allen, "The Trilingual Colleges of the Early Sixteenth Century," in Erasmus: Lectures and Wayfaring Sketches (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1934), 138-63.

33. For some of these approaches, see Kathy Eden, Hermeneutics and the Rhetorical Tradition: Chapters in the Ancient Legacy and Its Humanist Reception (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997).

34. See the discussion of Pico's influence in Stephen A. McKnight, Sacralizing the Secular: The Renaissance Origins of Modernity (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1981), 50-70.

35. Charles Trinkaus, "Cosmos and Man: Marsilio Ficino and Giovanni Pico on the Structure of the Universe and the Freedom of Man," Vivens Homo 5 (1994): 335-57.

36. Skinner sees this idea as linked with Calvinism; see Quentin Skinner, Foundations of Modern Political Thought, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 2:219-40.

37. See the comments of Lester K. Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy in-Medieval Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1983).

38. A point stressed by Michael Walzer in The Revolution of the Saints: A Study in the Origins of Radical Politics (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982).


1. For excellent recent studies, see Susan C. Karant-Nunn, The Reformation of Ritual: An Interpretation of Early Modern Germany, Christianity, and Society in the Modern World (London: Routledge, 1997); Steven E. Ozment, Flesh and Spirit: Private Life in Early Modern Germany (London: Penguin, 2002).

2. Early works of this nature include Natalie Z. Davis, Society and Culture in Early Modern France (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1975); Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century England (London: Penguin, 1978). For a survey of more recent studies, see Mack P. Holt, "The Social History of the Reformation: Recent Trends and Future Agendas," Journal of Social History 37 (2003): i33-44.

3. For a vigorous reassertion of the religious roots of the Reformation, focusing particularly on its impact on individuals, see Steven E. Ozment, Protestants: The Birth of a Revolution (New York: Doubleday, 1992).

4. The standard account of this doctrine is Alister E. McGrath, Iustitia Dei: A History of the Christian Doctrine of Justification, 3rd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).

5. The best critical biography is Martin Brecht, Martin Luther, 3 vols. (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990-94).

6. This theme is prominent in the important biography of Heiko A. Oberman, Luther: Man Between God and the Devil (New York: Doubleday, 1989).

7. See the classic, though deeply flawed, account of this in Erik H. Erikson, Young Man Luther: A Study in Psychoanalysis and History (New York: Norton, 1958).

8. For the development and significance of this idea, see McGrath, Iustitia Dei, 107-17.

9. Jens-Martin Kruse, Universitätstheologie und Kirchenreform: Die Anfänge der Reformation in Wittenberg 1516-1522 (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 2002).

10. Alister E. McGrath, Luther's Theology of the Cross: Martin Luther's Theological Breakthrough (Oxford: Blackwell, 1985); Bernard Lohse, Martin Luther's Theology: Its Historical and Systematic Development (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1999).

11. It is interesting to speculate whether Luther's early critics entirely appreciated this point: see David V. N. Bagchi, Luther's Earliest Opponents: Catholic Controversialists, 1518-1525 (Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress, 1991).

12. The best study is Stephen Greenblatt, Hamlet in Purgatory (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001).

13. Howard Colvin, "The Origin of Chantries," Journal of Medieval History 26 (2000): 163-73.

14. For the background to this issue, see Kurt Stadtwald, Roman Popes and German Patriots: Antipapalism in the Politics of the German Humanist Movement from Gregor Heimburg to Martin Luther (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1996).

15. For an excellent study of the use of pamphlets in England, see Joad Raymond, Pamphlets and Pamphleteering in Early Modern Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).

16. Norman E. Nagel, "Luther and the Priesthood of All Believers," Concordia Theological Quarterly 61 (1997): 277-98.

17. For analysis and comment, see Hermann Sasse, This Is My Body: Luther's Contention for the Real Presence in the Sacrament of the Altar (Minneapolis: Concordia, 2003).

18. See the useful background material in Josef Wohlmuth, Realpräsenz und Transsubstantiation im Konzil von Trient: Eine historisch-kritische Analyse (Bern: Peter La^ 1975).

19. It must be noted that the famous phrase "Here I stand, I cannot do otherwise" is not included in the official transcript of the proceedings at Worms and may have been added to Luther's words by a printer; see the discussion in Oberman, Luther: Man Between God and the Devil, 35-40.

20. The best study is Jeanette C. Smith, "Katharina von Bora Through Five Centuries: A Historiography," Sixteenth Century Journal 30 (1999): 745-74.

21. This point is stressed in Berndt Hamm, "Einheit und Vielfalt der Reformation-oder: Was die Reformation zur Reformation machte," in Reformationstheorien: Ein kirchenhistorischer Disput über Einheit und Vielfalt der Reformation, edited by Berndt Hamm, Bernd Moeller, and Dorothea Wendebourg (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1995), 57-127.


1. See Hans-Jürgen Goertz, "Eine 'bewegte' Epoche: Zur Heterogenität reformatorischer Bewegungen," in Wegscheiden der Reformation: Alternatives Denken vom 16. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert, edited by Günter Vogler (Weimar: Bohlaus Nachfolger, 1994), 23-56; Alister E. McGrath, The Intellectual Origins of the European-Reformation, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Blackwell, 2003), 182-89.

2. For a collection of excellent attempts to make sense of what happened, see Bruce Gordon, ed., Protestant History and Identity in Sixteenth-Century Europe, 2 vols. (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1996).

3. Dorothea Wendebourg, "Die Einheit der Reformation als historisches Problem," in Reformationstheorien: Ein kirchenhistorischer Disput über Einheit und Vielfalt der Reformation, edited by Berndt Hamm, Bernd Moeller, and Dorothea Wendebourg (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1995), 31-51.

4. Carlos M. N. Eire, War Against the Idols: The Reformation of Worship from Erasmus to Calvin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 65-73.

5. Ulrich Bubenheimer and Stefan Oehmig, eds., Querdenker der Reformation: Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt und seine frühe Wirkung (Würzburg: Religion & Kultur Verlag, 2001).

6. The same criticism would be directed against Zwingli's limited reforms in Zurich, even though these were more radical than Luther's; see Andrea Strübind, Eifriger als Zwingli: Die frühe Täuferbewegung in der Schweiz (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2003), 79-119.

7. For an excellent analysis, see Abraham Friesen, Thomas Müntzer, a Destroyer of the Godless: The Making of a Sixteenth-Century Religious Revolutionary (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 33-52.

8. Peter Blickle, Der deutsche Bauernkrieg von 1525 (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1985).

9. For an analysis of some of these factors, see Berndt Hamm, "Reformation 'von unten' und Reformation 'von oben': Zur Problematik der reformationshistorischen Klassifizierungen," in Reformation in Deutschland und Europa: Interpretationen und Debatten, edited by Hans R. Guggisberg and Gottfried G. Krodel (Gütersloh: Mohn, 1993), 256-93.

10. See especially Franziska Conrad's study of the reception of reforming ideas in Alsace, Reformation in der bäuerlichen Gesellschaft: Zur Rezeption reformatorischer Theologie im Elsass (Stuttgart: Steiner Verlag, 1984).

11. A point stressed in Peter Blickle, Gemeindereformation: Die Menschen des 16. Jahrhunderts auf dem Weg zum Heil (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1987).

12. Berndt Hamm, Bürgertum und Glaube: Konturen der städtischen Reformation (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1996).

13. The best study of this fascinating movement is Bruce Gordon, The Swiss Reformation (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2002).

14. For a comparison of the divergent hermeneutical approaches of Luther and Zwingli, see McGrath, The Intellectual Origins of the European Reformation, 15366.

15. For popular demands for iconoclasm elsewhere in the region, see Paul A. Russell, Lay Theology in the Reformation: Popular Pamphleteers in Southwest Germany, 1521-1525 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 56-79.

16. For reflections on the role of riots in spreading Protestantism, see Natalie Z. Davis, "The Rites of Violence: Religious Riot in Sixteenth-Century France," Past and Present 59 (1973): 51-91.

17. Christine Christ, "Das Schriftverständnis von Zwingli und Erasmus im Jahre 1522," Zwingliana 16 (1983): 111-25.

18. See here the excellent study of Ralf Hoburg, Seligkeit und Heilsgewissheit: Hermeneutik und Schriftauslegung bei Huldrych Zwingli bis 1522 (Stuttgart: Calwer Verla& 1994).

19. See Eberhard Grötzinger, Luther und Zwingli: Die Kritik an der mittelalterlichen Lehre von der Messe, als Wurzel des Abendmahlsstreites (Zurich: Benziger Verlag, 1980).

20. See Rupert E. Davies's classic study, The Problem of Authority in the Continental Reformers: A Study in Luther, Zwingli, and Calvin (London: Epworth Press,

21. The role of this notion, along with other "communal" concepts, is contested; see Robert W. Scribner, "Communalism: Universal Category or Ideological Construct? A Debate in the Historiography of Early Modern Germany and Switzerland," Historical Journal 37 (1994): 199-207.

22. The best study is Walter Schaufelberger, "Kappel: Die Hintergründe einer mil-itärschen Katastrophe," Schweizerisches Archivfür Volkskunde 51 (1955): 34-61. The mortally wounded Zwingli was run through with a sword by Captain Fuckinger of Unterwalden after refusing to make confession.

23. See Berndt Moeller, Imperial Cities and the Reformation (Durham, NC: Labyrinth Press, 1982). Note also the analysis in Alister E. McGrath, "Justification and the Reformation: The Significance of the Doctrine of Justification by Faith to Sixteenth-Century Urban Communities," Archiv fur Reformationsgeschichte 81

24. For an excellent account of the issues underlying these developments, see Andrew Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture of Persuasion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).

25. Lorna Jane Abray, The People's Reformation: Magistrates, Clergy, and Commons in Strasbourg, 1500-1598 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1985).

26. See Friedhelm Kruger, Bucer und Erasmus: Eine Untersuchung zum Einfluss des Erasmus auf die Theologie Martin Bucers (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1970); Beate Stierle, Capito als Humanist (Gütersloh: Mohn, 1974).

27. T. A. Fudge, "Icarus of Basel? Oecolampadius and the Early Swiss Reformation," Journal of Religious History 21 (1997): 268-84.

28. For the Catholic response to the Augsburg Confession at this point, see the magisterial study by Vinzenz Pfnür, Einig in der Rechtfertigungslehre?: Die Rechtfertigungslehre der Confessio Augustana (1530) und die Stellungnahme der katholischen Kontroverstheologie zwischen 1530 und 1535 (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1970).

29. The best study is George H. Williams, The Radical Reformation, 3rd ed. (Kirks-ville, MO: Sixteenth Century Journal Publishers, 1992).

30. Arnold Snyder, Anabaptist History and Theology: An Introduction (Kitchener, ON: Pandora Press, 1996).

31. For the impact of such ideas on one group, see Donald B. Kraybill, The Amish and the State, 2nd ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003).

32. The best study is Alvin J. Beachy, The Concept of Grace in the Radical Reformation (Nieuwkoop: De Graaf, 1977).

33. See, for example, Mihaly Balazs, Early Transylvanian Anti-trinitarianism (15661571): From Servet to Palaeologus (Baden-Baden: Valentin Koerner, 1996).

34. The best study is John D. Rempel, The Lord's Supper in Anabaptism: A Study in the Christology of Balthasar Hubmaier, Pilgram Marpeck, and Dirk Philips (Scott-dale, PA: Herald Press, 1993).

35. See the discussion in Stuart Murray, Biblical Interpretation in the Anabaptist Tradition (Kitchener, ON: Pandora Press, 2000).

36. For some reflections, see Paul L. Maier, "Fanaticism as a Theological Category in the Lutheran Confessions," Concordia Theological Quarterly 44 (1980): 173-81. Luther used the term Schwärmerei to refer to just about any Protestants who transgressed his own theological boundaries, including Zwingli, Karlstadt, Müntzer, and the Anabaptists.

37. For the history of the interpretation of this biblical work—a favorite with marginalized groups—see Kenneth G. C. Newport, Apocalypse and Millennium: Studies in BiblicalEisegesis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).

38. Anthony Arthur, The Tailor-King: The Rise and Fall of the Anabaptist Kingdom of Münster (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999).

39. Sigrun Haude, In the Shadow of "Savage Wolves": Anabaptist Münster and the German Reformation During the 1530s (Boston: Humanities Press, 2000).

40. Claus-Peter Clasen, Anabaptism: A Social History, 1525-1618: Switzerland, Austria, Moravia, South and Central Germany (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press,

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