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sympathetically with the Narragansett Indians, and the Jesuit Andrew White, whose work in Maryland with the Piscataway was cut short when English authorities exiled him from the colony in 1645.

The most extensive Puritan efforts were undertaken by two Massachusetts pastors, John Eliot (1604-90) of Roxborough, and Thomas Mayhew, Jr. (162157) of Martha's Vineyard. Eliot succeeded in gathering a number of Indian converts into 'praying towns' organized after Old Testament models, and his Algonquian translation was the first full Bible of any sort printed in the English colonies. But Eliot's work was all but destroyed during King Philip's War (167576) when fearful Puritans quarantined the converted Indians in unhealthy conditions on Deer Island in Boston Harbour. Mayhew, his father, and other members of the family enjoyed longer-lasting success in their work because the relatively isolated character of Martha's Vineyard protected converted Indians from the depredations of warfare and the acquisitiveness of land-hungry Europeans.

The most effective Protestant mission to Native Americans did not begin until well into the eighteenth century. It was undertaken by Moravians, who were also the Protestant pioneers in effective outreach to enslaved Africans. In 1732, only a few years after the modern rejuvenation of the Moravian church, their leader, Count Ludwig Nicholas von Zinzendorf, dispatched Leonhard Dober and David Nitschman from Herrnhut in Saxony to St Thomas in the Virgin Islands. Moravians, who enjoyed no stake in land or authority and who practised a Pietistic religion of the heart, enjoyed considerable success in this venture, which led then to fruitful ministry with the black populations of Jamaica (1754), Antigua (1756), and Barbados (1765).

As part of the same missionary spirit, in 1742 two Moravians, Christian Rauch and Gottlob Büttner, began work with the Mahicans at Shekomeko near the Massachusetts-New York border. Among their converts were several women whose expressions of faith testified to a substantial indigenizing of Moravian piety. One of these converts, Rachel (who had been Wampanosch), left a record in December 1743 of what it meant for her to participate in a Moravian communion. As recorded by Büttner, her experience mingled the Moravian theology of Christ's blood and wounds with her understanding of native practices of ritual torture: 'She saw nothing with her eyes, but her heart believed so in the Saviour as if she had seen him and she had then such a feeling of it, that she thought that if any one should pull the flesh from her bones she would nevertheless abide with him, and she said, "I believe I should not have felt it neither, for my whole body and heart felt a power from his wounds and blood".'8

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