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at Cologne and Trier were scarcely less significant as an international presence, a point that helps to explain Louis XIV's determination to intrude his candidate at Cologne in the mid-i68os, at the height of his own imperial ambitions. As Simon Schama once observed, 'the endurance of Mainz was a witness to the viability of anachronism'6 and successive archbishops behaved confidently as Enlightened absolutists in miniature, ready to take on and overcome the strength of popular, noble, and clerical hostility to change. The greatest of them was Friedrich Karl (1774-1802), who used the demonstratively anti-Austrian and Protestant-dominated Fiirstenbund in 1785 as a springboard for achieving a 'German national church', much to the amusement of Frederick the Great.

Friedrich Karl's success marked the culmination of the development of an essentially German church within Catholicism. Academics at universities like Trier, Mainz, and Wiirzburg had been at the fore in this trend, and by the 1730s the scholarship of outstanding historians such as Muratori and the concepts of natural law were used to validate long-standing attacks on targets like annates paid to Rome and papal nuncios. This strand of reasoning was also influenced by Jansenism and by a warmer regard for German Protestantism, as Catholics became accustomed to the confessional co-existence laid down in the i648 settlements. This pronounced anti-ultramontanism was at its strongest in those principalities where princes looked to academics for theoretical support against the popes and in transforming their territories into sovereign states. Febronianism was the end-product and part of a distinctive Catholic reform movement. Taken together, the ascendancy of such views by the 1760s famously led Heribert Raab to talk of an 'intellectual revolution' in Catholic Germany.

The coming of Febronianism and the apparent confidence of German Protestantism were an imperial policy concern for the Empress Maria Theresa (1740-80). She, no more than her father (Charles VI) or her grandfather (Leopold I), could be viewed as unconditionally responsive to the Curia or to the bishops within the Habsburg territories. She wanted to govern her church while respecting the papacy's spiritual primacy, and guard Catholicism (of which she was, in theory, the leading defender on earth) from further, aggressive Protestant incursions. With her family, she attended Mass daily, as didJoseph II in his ten-year sole reign. The institutional strength of the Austrian church at the turn of the eighteenth century was impressive, though diocesan and provincial boundaries were often awkwardly aligned. The creation ofnew dioceses in the eighteenth century in the Hereditary Lands was well behind demographic growth: only three episcopal seats were added, although the

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